[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/Blog030924.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240806__36AG8JF__v2__Preview__TopshotIndiaBangladeshUnrestStudents.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240526__34TZ324__v4__HighRes__IndiaAccidentFireHospital-scaled.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250129__36WH98W__v1__HighRes__NepalReligionHinduismFestival-scaled.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250204__36X44MW__v1__Preview__IndiaBhutanReligionFestivalKumbh.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Section” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”554.9px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”131px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”57px|||||” border_style_all=”none” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” min_height=”65px” border_width_bottom=”5px” border_style_bottom=”solid” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Overview<\/strong><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A Turbulent Year<\/h3>\n
South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens were among those leading phenomenal pushbacks against entrenched authoritarian regimes, voting out incumbent governments and expressing unified dissatisfaction with misgovernance, corruption and overreach. Amid the upheaval, the media played a critical role in amplifying people\u2019s aspirations and speaking truth to the powerful.<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh<\/strong>, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule. Hopes are now pinned on the country\u2019s new Chief Adviser Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to help rebuild state institutions, revive the economy, restore human rights and press freedom and combat the deeply entrenched communal polarisation and a newly emboldened right-wing.\u00a0<\/p>\nIn Sri Lanka<\/strong>, the natural next step on from the people\u2019s movement of 2022 came with a major political shift achieved through the ballot in the September 2024 presidential election. The victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, of the left of centre National People’s Power (NPP) or Jathika Jana Balawegaya, followed by the party\u2019s definitive victory in November\u2019s parliamentary elections signified a departure from the country\u2019s deep-rooted dynastic rule under the Rajapaksa family, characterised by authoritarianism, corruption and economic chaos. The new president, known widely as AKD, has cast himself as a disruptor to the status quo for his anti-corruption platform and pro-poor policies in the wake of the country\u2019s worst ever economic crisis, which is still having an impact on millions.<\/p>\nIn Pakistan<\/strong>, political instability and intervention by the military apparatus in virtually every area of public space, was clearly evident during and following the national election in February 2024. Fraught with political repression and violence, the national elections were heavily tainted by allegations of rigging, voter suppression and technicalities that resulted in the deregistering of one major political party. When a post-election alliance brought to power two dynastic parties that had won fewer seats individually, the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) took to the streets in months-long, and often violent agitations that left many dead and injured. Ranked at 124, Pakistan\u2019s democracy ranking fell by six spots in the year to be listed among the top 10 worst performers in the Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit released in February 2025. The Democratic Index now firmly terms Pakistan as no longer a democracy, but an authoritarian regime.<\/p>\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, a quiet but firm political upheaval resulted in the country decisively voting out the incumbent government and choosing to unequivocally place faith in one of the country\u2019s oldest political parties, the 18-year-old People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The role of the media in voter literacy in a country where about half the population is under 25 years old, cannot be underestimated.<\/p>\nThe atoll nation of the Maldives<\/strong> saw a peaceful transfer of power via the ballot, with the parliamentary elections of April 2024 again ushering in a government of the ruling People\u2019s National Congress with a thumping majority. While the electorate\u2019s message was in favour of stability, a weakened opposition has raised concerns about arming the new president, Mohamed Muizzu, with both executive and legislative control. Unchecked power has never boded well for freedom of the press, particularly in the case of the Maldives.<\/p>\nThe Indian<\/strong> electorate returned the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power with a reduced majority. But hopes that the diminished numbers would temper aggressive and non-consultative policies have not been upheld.<\/p>\nInstability and shifting coalition dynamics marked Nepal\u2019s<\/strong> political scene in the past year. A fragmented parliament with no clear winners after the election in January 2024 ultimately led to KP Sharma Oli, forming a coalition government with the centrist Nepali Congress in July 2024. It marks his fourth tenure as the country\u2019s prime minister. But fragile alliances and ongoing political instability in the country, including a resurgence of a pro-monarchy movement, have so far plagued attempts at legislative action, including long awaited amendments to policies and laws related to the media.<\/p>\nAmid the hope engendered by political change in its neighbourhood, Afghanistan\u2019s<\/strong> media faced yet another year of plummeting press freedom with the country now sitting just two places from the bottom of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index. Hard fought achievements over recent decades on access to information, media funding and viability, as well as gender equity and plurality are now all but erased. Yet Afghan journalists continued to cling tenaciously to hope, endeavouring to operate within a media landscape of heightened restrictions, especially for women.<\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”zoom” scroll_fade_enable=”on” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule.\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240806__36AG8JF__v2__Preview__TopshotIndiaBangladeshUnrestStudents.jpg” title_text=”INDIA-BANGLADESH-UNREST-STUDENTS” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The ousting of iron-fisted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh had ripple effects across the region and strained ties with neighbouring India. Hindus make up almost ten per cent of Bangladesh’s 174 million people. After the embattled leader fled to India, the post-Hasina power vacuum also led to increased violence against members of the Hindu minority community. A vendor hangs a newspaper along a roadside in Hyderabad, India, on August 6, 2024. Credit: Noah Seelam \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||17px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Unfree digiverse <\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, the digital space continued to offer immense opportunities to expose corruption and human rights violations and challenge mainstream and official narratives. Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. The problem remains, however, with maintaining professional standards and editorial verification processes.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, the passage in January 2025 of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act (PECA) was met with vehement protests, hunger strikes and demonstrations across the country. Ostensibly created to combat \u2018fake news\u2019, the law has been termed \u201cdraconian\u201d and an assault on free speech. Amended provisions to allow third-party legal entities to lodge complaints with the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), raised concerns about suppression of dissent.<\/p>\n
In February 2025, during her visit to Pakistan, IFJ president, Dominique Pradalie, joined union leaders in a protest march in Islamabad against the controversial amendments to the PECA Act, urging Pakistani authorities to uphold freedom of expression, and repeal the PECA Act.<\/p>\n
India globally ranks second after China in terms of internet users, now estimated at more than 806 million individuals. With social media user<\/a><\/span> penetration at 34 per cent, the elections to parliament and several state assemblies in 2024 presented an opportunity for social media to fill gaps that mainstream media seemed hesitant to cover. The massive surge in digital advertising spending testified to the role of social media marketing, with the total election budget for political parties collectively reaching INR 13,000 crore (approximately USD 1.5 billion) across various media platforms. The ruling BJP had the most prominent online presence, using social media and artificial intelligence (AI) driven tools, influencers and even paid trolls to target opponents, human rights activists and journalists. But other parties are fast catching up. These new avenues for dissent were also spaces that strongly peddled misinformation.<\/p>\nThe Global Risks Report<\/a><\/span> 2024, released by the World Economic Forum, currently ranks misinformation and disinformation as the number one risk now facing the world. Distorted and manipulated information, which has become increasingly easier with AI enabled tools, will continue to have far reaching impacts, it warns.<\/p>\nReflecting the global trend, alarmingly though not unexpectedly, social media platforms in India were also used to spew hate and polarise communities. A report<\/a><\/span> \u2018Social Media and Hate Speech in India\u2019 of the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate (CSOH) identified Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, Telegram, and X (formerly Twitter) as key drivers enabling, amplifying, and mainstreaming hate speech and extremist ideologies, spreading Hindu nationalist ideology and anti-minority rhetoric.\u00a0<\/p>\nGovernment overreach and control was visible in the number of takedowns of YouTube – the highest<\/a><\/span> globally over the last three months of 2024, for ostensibly violating \u201ccommunity guidelines\u201d. \u2018Sahayog\u2019, a portal launched in March 2025 to facilitate co-ordinated action on cybercrime, has come in for criticism by some of the major platforms. Elon Musk, owner of social media platform X has termed it a tool of censorship and refused to join the portal.<\/p>\nIn another small pushback, on September 20, 2024, the Bombay High Court struck down the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2023, which allowed the Central Government to form a Fact-Check Unit to identify online content regarding government business as \u201cfake, false, or misleading\u201d.<\/p>\n
Internet shutdowns continue to be another way of turning off the switch on information sharing that is unpalatable to governments. According to digital rights advocacy group Access Now, for the first time since 2018, India with a total of 84 internet shutdowns in 2024 was not ranked first in internet shutdown orders, following Myanmar this year with 85 shutdowns. Shutdowns were done on various pretexts: communal conflict, protests and instability, to prevent cheating in exams, and elections, with Manipur and Kashmir facing the highest number of shutdowns.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan\u2019s elections there was a significant shift toward social media for campaigning, alongside traditional rallies and meetings. But the proliferation and ease of dissemination came with attendant problems of extreme polarisation, trolling and abuse. Disinformation and deepfakes muddied the waters and invited typical government responses of bans and suspensions of platforms and slowing down internet services.<\/p>\n
During the Sri Lankan parliamentary and presidential elections in 2024, digital platforms became vehicles for misinformation and online abuse, with the Election Commission as well as tech giants standing by helplessly. Women candidates were exposed to malicious social media attacks, undermining their right to public office.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. <\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Amendments to Pakistan\u2019s Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) were met with nationwide protests by journalists and freedom of expression activists. The PECA law presents a clear battleground for the media with the amendments effectively criminalising online disinformation. Leaders and activists of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists protest in Karachi on January 31, 2025. Credit: Rizwan Tabassum \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Is AI the future?<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe rapid entry of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in newsrooms in South Asia has forced a hasty appraisal of its possibilities and challenges. \u2018<\/em>Media Metamorphosis: AI and Bangladeshi Newsrooms 2024\u2019, a study conducted by the Media Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) found that, while 51 per cent of journalists have utilised AI tools, only 20 per cent of news organisations have institutionalised its use. ChatGPT was the most popular tool, accounting for 78 per cent of all usage.<\/p>\nWhile the impact of AI in Indian newsrooms has yet to be studied systematically, there is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/p>\n
AI may not have taken off yet in Sri Lankan newsrooms, but in May 2024, state broadcaster Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) made history by using two AI versions of Chaminda Gunarathne and Nishadi Bandaranayake, two of SLRC\u2019s most popular news anchors,\u00a0taking a significant step in the use of AI tech in Sinhala language newscasting<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\nNewsrooms in Pakistan are increasingly using AI to enhance professionalism, but the impact of this transition on jobs and the media economy has yet to be systematically studied. The first country in South Asia to introduce a policy and legal framework to promote ethical and responsible use of AI is Pakistan. The country\u2019s Ministry of Information Technology and Telecommunications released a draft National AI Policy in May 2023, while the Senate introduced the “Regulation of Artificial Intelligence Act 2024,” to regulate AI, mitigate associated risks, and penalise violations.<\/p>\n
But even as governments and other stakeholders in South Asia confront the challenges of AI, make policies and draw up legal guidelines, one thing is clear: any regulatory framework must be undergirded by the ethics and morality of social justice and be strongly informed by the media sector as a key stakeholder.<\/p>\n
A deathly toll<\/strong><\/h3>\nReporting on the people\u2019s uprising in Bangladesh came with a heavy price. Security forces shot dead four journalists and one was hacked to death by anti-government protesters in the three weeks of mass uprising in July 2024.<\/p>\n
Pakistan bore witness to the most violent year for journalists in the country in two decades with eight journalists killed in the period under review. Most were shot by unidentified assailants, and one was caught in sectarian crossfire while reporting. The rapid declines in journalist safety and the high death toll once again places Pakistan as the deadliest country in Asia-Pacific for media workers.<\/p>\n
The horrific murder of Mukesh Chandrakar in Bastar in Central India illustrated the hazards of reporting from conflict zones and exposing corruption. Abducted, murdered and buried in a septic tank, his body was discovered on January 2, 2025.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, cameraperson Suresh Rajak of Avenues Television was burnt to death on March 28, 2025, while reporting atop a building in Kathmandu set alight by protestors during a violent pro-monarchy demonstration. The case once more underlined the real and present dangers for media workers on the frontline of political protests and civil unrest.<\/p>\n
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There is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”749.8px” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” title_text=”240808 Rilwan” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” background_color=”RGBA(0,0,0,0)” min_height=”529px” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Repeated investigative failures continue to deny justice for Maldivian blogger and journalist Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, who was forcibly disappeared by extremists on August 8, 2014. On the tenth anniversary of his abduction and murder, the Maldives Journalist Association (MJA) called for justice and a public enquiry. Impunity for the crime has prompted continued self- censorship in the media. Credit: MJA<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Righting wrongs<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe mighty task of tackling ever increasing levels of impunity for crimes against journalists and media workers has so far eluded most governments of South Asia. Even in the stronger democracies, a failure to bring such perpetrators to justice is a blight that continues to plague the region.<\/p>\n
The interim government in Bangladesh is now confronted by the expansive debris of human rights violations left by Sheikh Hasina\u2019s government. A 2025 report<\/a><\/span> by the UN Human Rights Office estimates the number of deaths during the uprising at around 1,400 \u2013 around 13 per cent of them children \u2013 and thousands more injured between July 15 and August 5, 2024. A significant majority was shot by security forces.\u00a0The report pointed to a media blackout enforced by the intelligence and security agencies through fear and intimidation to supress news of the brutalities on the ground. \u201cThere are reasonable grounds to believe hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture, were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the political leadership and senior security officials as part of a strategy to suppress the protests,\u201d it said.<\/p>\nIn August 2024, on the tenth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of blogger Ahmed Rilwan, human rights and press freedom groups called on the Maldives\u2019 new government to publicly disclose the long-demanded findings of a deaths and disappearances commission set up in 2019. The tardy prosecution in this pivotal case of key national interest has undoubtedly prompted continued self-censorship in the media regarding any matters that might be termed as anti-Islamic.<\/p>\n
Small steps were taken to tackle impunity in Nepal with the passage in August 2024 of an amendment to the Enforced Disappearance Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act. Nepal saw the killings of 23 journalists during its decade-long insurgency (1996-2006), and proper investigation and action against perpetrators is still awaited. However, the amendment is unlikely to provide adequate justice to the families of the killed journalists due to loopholes and inconsistency with international law. The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has currently rated the civic space in Nepal as \u2018obstructed\u2019 on account of continuing violations of civil rights including arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and the targeting of journalists.<\/p>\n
The struggle for justice for Sri Lankan cartoonist and journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda who was abducted and forcibly disappeared in 2010 continues. Likewise, 16 years on from his murder, justice continues to elude Lasantha Wickrematunge, the slain editor of The Sunday Leader<\/em>. Following public protests, Sri Lanka\u2019s Attorney General revoked his own recommendation to release three suspects linked to the journalist\u2019s murder. Among other long-running cases of killings and attacks documented during the war, criminal investigators finally arrested two ex-army intelligence personnel in connection with the abduction and torture of senior journalist Keith Noyahr in May 2008.<\/p>\nIn March 2025, the Sri Lankan government tabled the long-suppressed Batalanda Commission Report in Parliament, addressing alleged state-sponsored human rights violations, including illegal detentions and torture, during the 1988\u20131990 period of civil unrest. While the timing of the tabling of the report has been questioned, it allows hope that accountability for decades-old crimes may be fixed. The wheels of justice indeed turn slowly.<\/p>\n
The civil war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009, but its repercussions continue to be felt. Tamil journalists are still singled out for harassment by both state and non-state actors. Evidencing this, journalists from the North of the country presented<\/a><\/span> a memo in June 2024 to the UNHCR in Jaffna calling for a UN-led process to monitor violence against journalists in the country.\u00a0 Responding to government edicts prohibiting memorials to Tamil journalists and human rights defenders, in May 2024, Amnesty International issued a statement calling for justice for war victims and the right to mourn and to memorialisation. In northern Sri Lanka, the Mullaitivu Media Forum marked the 24th<\/sup> anniversary of the killing of senior Jaffna-based journalist Mylvaganam Nimalrajan, calling for an international investigation into crimes against journalists. It emphasised that the lack of closure perpetuated impunity and enabled perpetrators to continue without any fear of reprisals.<\/p>\nAttacking the messenger<\/strong><\/h3>\nSheikh Hasina\u2019s dramatic exit from Bangladesh further emboldened opposition-supported miscreants to target journalists, particularly in areas outside the capital, Dhaka. As many as 99 journalists were injured in 51 separate incidents through to March 2025, with 47 attacks outside of Dhaka, mostly by members of the Bangladesh National Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami.<\/p>\n
According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests. Anger over news coverage led mobs to go on a rampage against individual journalists. Press clubs, newspaper offices and television studios were also attacked, equipment destroyed, broadcasts halted, and staff intimidated. The full number of these attacks is not known.<\/p>\n
In Afghanistan, the AFJC<\/em> recorded at least 172 violations against journalists and media outlets for the year up to March 2025. Its reporting highlights a 24 per cent increase in media rights violations compared to the previous year and reflects the worsening conditions for journalists and media organisations, as restrictions on press freedom continue to tighten. Meanwhile, Afghan journalists who have fled to neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, continue to face legal uncertainties, financial struggles, persecution, legal harassment and professional isolation.<\/p>\nThe Federation of Nepali Journalists\u2019 (FNJ) monitoring mechanism recorded a total of 47 incidents of press freedom violations, including attacks, threats and harassment, both online and offline, by a range of perpetrators including government functionaries. The arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, chairperson and owner of two prominent national dailies, Kantipur and Kathmandu Post, and a radio and television station over issues related to his citizenship seemed a clear case of intimidation and retribution by the then-deputy prime minister, Rabi Lamichhane, who was unhappy over reporting about him.<\/p>\n
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According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][et_pb_divider show_divider=”off” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”25px” custom_margin=”||-1px|||” custom_padding=”||0px|0px||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_divider][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Bangladesh\u2019s journalists faced harassment, arrests, and heavy restrictions while covering national anti-government demonstrations in 2024. Students protesting near Dhaka University in Bangladesh\u2019s capital on August 12, 2024, demanded accountability and a trial for Bangladesh’s ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Credit: Luis Tato \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”7px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Narrative control<\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, governments attempted to shape public discourse through their hold and influence on the media and its owners.<\/p>\n
In Sri Lanka, the media was called out for supporting alleged divisive stands and openly promoting select candidates and amplifying these messages on social media. This invited a slate of take down notices from the Election Commission.<\/p>\n
The false promises of ensuring press freedom made by the Taliban when they took on the reins of power in Afghanistan in 2021 were quickly belied. News media in the country are, for the most part, forced to exist as a propaganda wing of the government, with independent journalism being all but crushed. Reports are closely monitored and rejected for non-compliance with the rules of the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, an agency set up in 1992 by the government under Burhanuddin Rabbani and now revived by the Taliban. Taboo subjects include women\u2019s rights, social justice and human rights.<\/p>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts. Bans include: criticism of Taliban officials, women\u2019s voices, filming and recording video interviews with local officials, broadcasting of images of living beings, including animals. Additionally, terminology such as \u2018martyr\u2019 is required to be used when reporting Taliban casualties.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s mainstream media continued to be reined in by repression or financial harassment via the foisting of legal cases or removing the non-profit status of some of its feistier media outlets. Control was also exercised through co-option and a system of rewards and incentives through advertisements. Analysis<\/a><\/span> by the BBC found that major news websites in the country published larger volumes of content mentioning the incumbent prime minister and his party, with editorials predicting his win. Attempting to legitimise sycophancy, the government of Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state in India, released the Digital Media Policy 2024 to not only regulate platforms with vague definitions of \u201canti-national\u201d content, but also to develop a retinue of paid influencers. The move was vehemently opposed by journalist bodies.<\/p>\nInternational correspondents in India faced ramped up efforts to control their reporting. Work permits of several foreign correspondents were cancelled on flimsy grounds, a move that was particularly suspect during election year.<\/p>\n
A report, Unveiling Public Trust in the Maldivian Media\u2019 released in May 2024 found that 87 per cent of respondents held the media accountable for political divisions in the country with television and internet news websites perceived to have the highest levels of sensational or biased coverage. This was a clear wake-up call for the media to regain public trust in the atoll nation.<\/p>\n
Information is power <\/strong><\/h3>\nAccess to information, one of the lodestones of credible journalism, has been steadily declining in various parts of the region.<\/p>\n
Afghanistan, once ranked number one of 130 countries in terms of access to information, has rapidly plummeted under the Taliban. With stringent controls over information, blocking requests, especially by women journalists, the rights once guaranteed by the Access to Information Law have atrophied. A 2024 report by the Afghanistan Journalists Support Organization (AJSO) highlights that 38 per cent of women journalists cite gender discrimination as a major barrier to accessing information, while 33 per cent fear repercussions for exposing the truth. Furthermore, 58 per cent of women journalists have no legal recourse when their requests for information are denied, underscoring the failure of Afghanistan\u2019s current media system to uphold transparency.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, despite a government guideline issued in April 2024 to increase transparency and accountability, journalists reported that media spokespersons were variously unavailable or lacked the necessary information to handle media requests.<\/p>\n
Upon assuming power in the Maldives, President Muizzu promised such high transparency in governance that the need to seek information would be redundant. However, this declaration has been belied, with the Attorney General\u2019s office challenging orders from the Information Commissioner to comply with right to information requests. Access to events and information was linked with proximity to the government, with critical news outlets like Adhadhu refused on coverage.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Women\u2019s faces are concealed at a women’s clothing shop in Kabul, Afghanistan, after an order by the Taliban\u2019s \u2018Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice\u2019. The de-facto government took further action to exclude women in Afghanistan society, including banning women from speaking in public, acting in television programs, or having their voices heard on radio. Credit: Wakil Kohsar \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”947.2px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Media Closures<\/strong><\/h3>\nJob insecurity was a running theme across the region. The period under review saw ever more journalists and media workers lose their livelihoods with media closures due to government interference, revenue losses and industry job shedding.<\/p>\n
A March 2025 report by the independent non-profit Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC) reported that 22 outlets closed in the past twelve months. Several radio stations were allegedly shut down by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice because they played background music, or allowed women to call in during live programs, thereby crossing the Taliban\u2019s so-called “red lines.” The economic downturn also resulted in the suspension of licenses of 17 media outlets in Nangarhar due to unpaid debts. Many local media outlets are struggling to renew their licenses and even pay electricity bills and taxes. Journalists\u2019 unions in the country estimate that almost half of Afghanistan\u2019s 4,001 male <\/strong>and 747 female remaining journalists<\/strong> are working without salaries or employment benefits.<\/p>\nThe major political realignments of the past year had a direct impact on the media in Bangladesh. Political retribution and perceived proximity to the ousted regime also led to mass sackings and forced resignations of senior editors, news chiefs and reporters.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s media saw an almost 15 per cent rise in industry layoffs in 2024-2025. Almost 200 to 400 media professionals lost jobs across print, television, and digital newsrooms in the first six months of 2024, a trend that is likely to continue. Several prominent small and medium print outlets were also forced to close down due to the high cost of printing, diminishing circulation and decline in advertisement revenue. Media closures inevitably led to an erosion in standards of decent work for media workers.<\/p>\n
In India, a significant threat to access to information emerged in the shape of an amendment to the Right to Information Act, which was introduced in the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, a law that is meant to uphold the right to privacy. However, blocking access to anything termed as \u201cpersonal information\u201d even if it is public interest, is likely to impact attempts enhance institutional accountability.<\/p>\n
Decent work challenged<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe lack of decent and timely wages for journalists was highlighted in the tragic case of Nepali journalist Shyam Sundar Pudasaini, 33. The young investigative journalist collapsed upon return from work, prompting inquiries over working conditions and non-payment of wages. He is not the first journalist to die on the job waiting for rightful wages to be paid. Unsurprisingly, , the long-awaited amendments to the Working Journalists Act and fixation of minimum wages once again came to the fore in media industry and union advocacy.<\/p>\n
A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions. With labour laws in dire reform to include the digital sphere, a whole section of media workers remains out in the cold, with no protections.<\/p>\n
Unpaid salaries and wage theft in Pakistan is the most critical industry issues affecting the media sector in terms of the widespread and deeply entrenched nature of the problem dating back many years. The IFJ and the PFUJ continue to lobby on the issue, demanding solutions and holding media owners accountable. A hopeful breakthrough came in November 2024, when the Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting\u00a0of Pakistan\u2019s National Assembly finally addressed the issue of unpaid salaries for media workers and recommended stronger measures to safeguard their rights.<\/p>\n
Restructuring measures aimed at streamlining state broadcasters in Sri Lanka are set to see a merger of Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and Independent Television Network. The move, aimed at getting the broadcasters out of massive debts, will also inevitably lead to more job losses in the beleaguered media sector which is yet to recover from post-pandemic downsizing.<\/p>\n
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A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A demonstrator holds a placard protesting the new Social Media Bill tabled in Nepal\u2019s federal parliament on February 12, 2025. The controversial bill allows authorities to ban media platforms and remove content in violation of government conditions. Unions and media stakeholders say the provisions are a government attempt to impose censorship and curtail basic human rights. Credit: Subaas Shrestha \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
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Legalised harassment<\/strong><\/h3>\nIn Bangladesh, the replacement of the draconian Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act of 2006 with the Digital Security Act (DSA) in 2018, and then the Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), has not led to any substantial change on the ground. Journalist bodies continued to face repression under vaguely formulated provisions. Around 5,818 cases filed under the CSA and the previous two laws currently remain pending in the country’s eight cyber tribunals.<\/p>\n
The interim government, responding to demands for repealing or amending repressive legislation, in December 2024 released a draft Cyber Protection Ordinance. Disappointingly, it seems very similar to the CSA, for example by penalising \u201churting religious sentiment\u201d with a jail term and fine. Terming the draft as \u201cconflicting to basic human rights,\u201d 100 distinguished citizens issued a joint statement in January 2025 demanding it also be scrapped.<\/p>\n
Concerns remained over Sri Lanka\u2019s overly broad and vague Online Safety Act and its ability to severely curtail free expression. But even in the face of vehement opposition, an amendment bill was rushed through in August 2024, just ahead of the parliamentary election. In the run up to the presidential elections, a collective of 41 trade unions urged President Ranil Wickremesinghe to urgently repeal the OSA and other laws they say undermine democracy in Sri Lanka. Over 50 lawsuits are challenging the draft bill.<\/p>\n
In India, the overuse of counter terror laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) as well as finance-related laws like the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) against media persons has tended to promote self-censorship. Kashmiri journalists have also borne the brunt of state repression with many battling long drawn-out cases, with some serving jail terms for their reporting. Others are routinely summoned to police stations for verification, coerced into revealing sources, placed on no-fly lists, have their passports revoked or their homes raided.<\/p>\n
Regulatory laws in India <\/span>such as the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill 2023 aimed at overhauling digital media regulations, continue to raise concerns about government overreach and potential censorship of OTT platforms and individual content creators. After backlash from independent media, the government withdrew a revised 2024 draft but reinstated the original 2023 version, keeping uncertainties alive over future regulatory controls.<\/span><\/p>\nAfter securing the parliamentary supermajority in the Maldives, the government proposed an amendment to the 2023 Evidence Act, which, among other concerns, allows courts to compel journalists to disclose anonymous sources in cases related to terrorism or national security. While the provision has not been enforced, the law still remains unchanged.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, a heavy-handed approach to social media regulation saw the introduction in January 2025, of the Social Media Operation, Use and Regulation Bill. Critics argue that the bill, which criminalises online expression with harsh fines and jail terms, has potential to undermine freedom of expression and press freedom. The UNESCO review of the bill states that provisions of the bill contradict international standards and are not in line with constitutional mandates of transparency, accountability and a multi-stakeholder strategy of digital governance. The Media Council Bill, passed on February 10, 2025, though a moderate version of the earlier draft, still contains problematic provisions such as the government\u2019s appointments of most of the council members, undermining its independence.<\/p>\n
Pakistan\u2019s Punjab Defamation Act 2024, with its vague and over broad definitions, makes violations punishable with massive fines, and tribunals can compel deemed offenders to issue an \u201cunconditional apology\u201d and direct regulatory bodies to block their social media accounts. Journalists\u2019 bodies termed the law \u201cdraconian\u201d and vigorously protested its enactment.<\/p>\n
Some judicial pronouncements in India provide hope. Guaranteeing the right to free speech, on March 28, 2025, the Supreme Court of India stated that \u201creasonable restrictions\u201d on the right to free speech should not be unreasonable or used to trample on citizens’ rights.<\/p>\n
Towards equity<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite strides made in gender equity over the decades, India’s ranking<\/a><\/span> in the World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Gender Gap Report slipped another two places to 129 out of 146 countries, and is now the third-lowest in South Asia. Its media also reflects this imbalance. Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern. A survey<\/a><\/span> released in August 2024, revealed that over 60 per cent of women journalists were discriminated against at work based on their gender identity.<\/p>\nLikewise, India’s diverse ethnic and linguistic landscape is still not adequately reflected in its media, and regional languages are often overlooked in favour of Hindi and English, further limiting access to information. The representation of marginalised communities in the newsroom remains abysmal.<\/strong><\/p>\nWomen journalists in the Maldives faced harassment on the job, most of it online. At an Internet Governance Forum in October 2024, journalists spoke about harassment reaching their families and some said they were avoiding investigative journalism as a result. The response by social media platforms is less than ideal, pointing to a need to localise interventions, for example, teaming up with Meta and X to improve hate speech detection in the national language, Dhivehi, to enable journalists to push back against online harassment.<\/p>\n
The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) made history by electing a woman journalist, Nirmala Sharma, as its chairperson for the first time in its seven-decade-long existence. With nearly 30 years of experience in the print and electronic media in Nepal, Sharma\u2019s election comes after consistent capacity building and leadership training interventions by the women\u2019s councils of the FNJ.<\/p>\n
A major gender mapping project across five regions of Pakistan by the Women\u2019s Media Forum Pakistan (WMFP) and supported by the IFJ in early 2025 revealed stark disparities, with representation as low as 3 per cent and stressed the need for intervention to increase gender equity. Globally women comprise only 24 per cent of news content, with Pakistan\u2019s representation even lower at 11 per cent. Participants advocated for reforms including equitable inclusion and a broader movement for gender parity within the Pakistani media.<\/p>\n
The representation of women journalists\u2019 unions and press clubs in Pakistan\u2019s ten largest cities was abysmally low, according to a study conducted by the Women Journalists Association and Freedom Network in early 2025. Only two press clubs (Lahore and Islamabad) reported slightly more than ten per cent share of women in their member rolls. The inclusion of women in the federal union however saw some improvement, with four women leaders elected to the new Federal Executive Council of the PFUJ.<\/p>\n
In January 2025, journalist Asma Sherazi fought back against the harassment directed at her and other women journalists, declaring \u201cenough is enough\u201d. A petition from the Digital Rights Foundation, calling for an end to the systematic harassment of orchestrated attacks against media professionals by political factions and their supporters was met with widespread support among the media.<\/p>\n
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Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Journalists in the Kashmir Valley continued to be subjected to interrogation, harassment and unlawful detention by intelligence agencies. A Kashmiri journalist films as Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, speaks during a press conference in Srinagar on January 2, 2025. Credit: Firdous Nazir \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Who owns the media?<\/strong><\/h3>\nA free press is critically linked to media ownership, and every government attempts to institutionalise its support of its cronies, in return for a media that follows the official narrative.<\/p>\n
In Bangladesh, industrialists and politicians who were bestowed media licenses by the previous government still remain loyal to Sheikh Hasina\u2019s regime. This proximity of business interests of media owners with the government has long been a barrier to independent journalism. However, a new Media Reform Policy of 2025 drafted by the country\u2019s interim government is finally set to address this issue. Just how impactful the policy can be remains to be seen in a country where media freedom has been stymied for so long.<\/p>\n
The draft Media Transparency (And Accountability) Bill, 2024 in India is aimed at increasing transparency in ownership with the emergence of media monopolies; financial coercion through the misuse of the power to allocate government advertisements; and coercive actions against journalists by State and non-State actors. The bill is likely to be presented as a private member\u2019s bill in Parliament. A report by the Press Council of India\u2019s sub-committee on \u201cAdvertisements for print media\u201d in September 2024 recommended that allocation be made proportional to their circulation and other qualitative parameters.<\/p>\n
The 42 news outlets are unable to sustain themselves through private sector advertisements alone, leading to a worrying dependence on politicians, businessmen and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that is fraught with favouritism and lacks transparency. Moreover, financial dependence on SOEs has gone hand in hand with manipulation and leverage, shaping news reportage in unhealthy ways. In February 2025, Moosa Rasheed, a senior journalist at Mihaaru, the leading local newspaper, resigned in protest over alleged government influence.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, government-issued advertisements continue to be a major revenue source for the media. The government reportedly allocated PKR 16 billion (USD 58.2m) in advertisements over the past five years.<\/p>\n
The decisions by the newly-elected Trump administration to dismantle the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) has had serious consequences for media in Afghanistan, leading to reduced funding for organisations such as Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty (RFE\/RL). These outlets have long provided independent news coverage to Afghanistan, and their funding cuts could weaken access to reliable information in the country.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media. The Social and Cultural Affairs Committee is also tasked with reviewing media legislation and policies, assessing the impact of government interventions, and evaluating public perceptions of freedom and transparency. Its report is expected by May 3, 2025.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”7d273a9b-b3cd-4896-8734-4f1ffd2f6b4e” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n.jpg” title_text=”486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Aligning with the country\u2019s shifting media landscape, the Journalists Association of Bhutan held workshops on how to pitch stories related to climate change in Thimphu on March 24, 2025. Credit: JAB<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”4px||9px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_margin=”1px|||||” custom_padding=”||1px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Standing together<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite the clampdowns within borders, innovative occupation of the airwaves ensures that a few critical voices are making themselves heard. Afghan journalists in exiled media outlets such as Radio Azadi<\/em>, Afghanistan International<\/em>, Etilaatroz, Zan Times<\/em>, and Hasht-e-Subh<\/em>, remain critical of the Taliban regime.<\/p>\nBangladeshi media in exile such as the Sweden-based Netra News, and Zulkarnain Saer Khan, a London-based investigative journalist in exile, have managed to expose abuse of power, rights violations and corruptions by leaders of Hasina\u2019s party and civil and military officials associated with her government through his social media platforms.<\/p>\n
In November 2024, journalist bodies in the Maldives mobilised around concerns related to media regulation, opposing the move to merge the media council and broadcasting commission through Maldives Media and Broadcasting Commission Bill or grounds that the would erode the self-regulatory aspect. The proposed legislation was dubbed the \u2018Media Control Bill\u2019 and a campaign, an exhibition of people\u2019s power, with the slogan \u2018Hatharehge Hagguugai\u2019 asserting citizen power. Political will, not laws alone can enable the media to evolve with professionalism and independence.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, the merger of the state-owned Nepal Television and Radio Nepal into the National Public Service Broadcasting Agency was welcomed, since this reform has been a decades-long demand. Former FNJ president Mahendra Bista was appointed as the first chairperson of the new entity.<\/p>\n
Policy changes backed by financial investment proved to be of immense support to Pakistan\u2019s media community working in some of the most challenging environments in the region. The provincial governments of Balochistan, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa put down enhanced amounts to journalists\u2019 welfare funds and to develop press clubs in the province \u2013 crucial hubs for the media community.<\/p>\n
These concrete steps towards enhancing journalists\u2019 rights stand as an example of multi-stakeholder action and vigorous solidarity in the journalist community.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”4_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Click here to download pdf of Overview and Special Reports<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Feature Section” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#e5e5e5″ module_alignment=”center” min_height=”238px” height=”331px” max_height=”486px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|-3px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” top_divider_style=”arrow2″ top_divider_color=”#FFFFFF” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”1_3,1_3,1_3″ admin_label=”Stats” _builder_version=”4.16″ width=”77.3%” custom_padding=”115px||||false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Media Rights Violations” number=”250″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#999999″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” hover_enabled=”0″ global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_enabled=”0″][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Jailed or Detained” number=”69″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#E09900″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Killings” number=”20″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#FF0000″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNOverviewA Turbulent Year South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"\r\n
[et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" fullwidth=\"on\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\"][et_pb_fullwidth_slider admin_label=\"Fullwidth Slider\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"50px\" header_letter_spacing=\"7px\" background_image=\"http:\/\/x7t.a3b.myftpupload.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_position=\"center\" module_alignment=\"center\" min_height=\"590px\" animation_style=\"fade\" auto=\"on\"][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_93J7LL-Dissolution-of-parliament-Nepal-protest-Prakash-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_92U7LM-Mock-funeral-for-sexual-assaults-PRAKASH-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_94J2MF-Tashnuva-Anan-Shishir-Bangladesh-transgender-news-host-Munir-Uz-zaman-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/BANG_000_93Z8WT-Bangladesh-protest-Mushtaq-Ahmed-Munir-death-in-custody-UZ-ZAMAN-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/Maldives\/A-Covid-19-press-briefing-by-President-Solih-on-June-23-Credit-President_s-Office-2-scaled.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/AFG000_94J2MK-International-womens-day-Afghanistan-WAKIL-KOHSAR-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/LAW_000_8Z94D9-Afghan-President-Ashraf-Ghani-arrives-in-Herat-January-2021-HOSHANG-HASHIMI-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" min_height=\"1286.7px\" custom_margin=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\"][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" min_height=\"131px\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"57px|||||\" border_style_all=\"none\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" min_height=\"65px\" border_width_bottom=\"5px\" border_style_bottom=\"solid\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]Overview<\/strong><\/h2>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=\"1_4\" admin_label=\"quote\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" animation_style=\"fade\"][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"3px|||||\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" width=\"97.3%\" min_height=\"1217px\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]<\/h1>\r\nPandemic, the Press and the New Digital Order<\/h3>\r\n
As the second wave of the Covid pandemic surged across South Asia in early 2021, journalists found themselves in the thick of the storm, without a safety net and scant institutional support. Battling not only the deadly virus, they mounted stiff resistance to states trying to control the narrative and plaster over the horrific reality. Journalists breaking stories of rising deaths, collapsing health systems and unpreparedness and mismanagement at the highest levels of government were silenced, hounded, arrested and penalised.<\/p>\r\n
Even as journalists also mourned the loss of their colleagues and family members, they continued to work in the most challenging circumstances to publicise the truth. They reported from the frontlines without adequate protective equipment, exposing themselves to infection to tell stories of the suffering in hospitals, in graveyards and crematoria. Many fell ill, many others continue to suffer from the long-term impacts of the Covid syndrome. Hundreds of others succumbed, unsung heroic storytellers of the apocalypse that engulfed them.<\/p>\r\n
To many others continued to tell one of the biggest stories of our times, while also enduring salary cuts and delays in wage payments, denial of protective personal equipment, medical insurance or reimbursement of massive medical bills to treat Covid contracted in the line of duty. Huge numbers of media workers were also rendered jobless or forced to resign in the wake of economic impacts of Covid-19. reeling under arrests and cases of sedition and terror, unrelenting trolling and abuse online, they wrote on. Some wrote on, even without a job or payment.<\/p>\r\n
Charges of \u201canti-national\u201d, \u201cagainst national security\u201d were widely used to curb dissent through archaic laws of sedition and colonial era laws of epidemic control. With courts admitting petitions challenging the constitutionality of some of these laws, there is reason to hope for change.<\/p>\r\n
The raging pandemic, accompanying lockdowns and economic crises were only piled on to existing barriers that the region\u2019s journalists already faced. Physical attacks and intimidation, lack of access to information, control and censorship; sharpened ethnic and religious cleavages; legal repercussions for their stories and an overall precarity of the media. Impunity for crimes against journalists continued, despite small gains. Yet, journalists bore witness and told the stories that needed to be told, with professional integrity, compassion and deep humanity.<\/p>\r\n
Regional trends<\/h3>\r\nTightening regulation and digital controls<\/h4>\r\n
Controlling the flow of information seemed to be an overriding preoccupation of governments across the region. From reigning in the burgeoning independent digital media and clamping down on critical voices on social media, governments and social media platforms fell short of upholding freedom of expression at a critical juncture.<\/p>\r\n
At a time when the free flow of information was literally a matter of life and death, governments intolerant of critical questions, tended to use the pandemic as a pretext to curb information, and any opinion that was deemed \u201canti-government\u201d. Social media presented a particular anxiety for governments trying to curb dissent, and unfortunately, social media giants did not adequately protect citizen\u2019s right to free speech, instead complying with unreasonable takedown notices from governments.<\/p>\r\n
Pakistan<\/strong> suffered under the harshest clampdown on dissent by any government. Media rights and freedom of expression took a severe beating, with the government seemingly leaping at the opportunity to deprive the media of both freedom and funds, driving an already beleaguered media industry into deeper crisis.\u00a0 The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) which criminalises free speech and gives overarching powers to law enforcement authorities, was overused in Pakistan to clamp down on free speech. The media, political opponents, activists and members of the public found the boundaries of free speech indiscriminately scrunched in violation of constitutional guarantees.<\/p>\r\nArbitrary blocking of independent websites, internet and communication shutdowns were regularly deployed to censor the media. This inevitably led to the proliferation of misinformation \u2013 which Pakistan could ill-afford in the midst of not only the pandemic, but civil strife and political upheaval.\u00a0 Cutting off connectivity in politically sensitive areas in an attempt to censor news had other adverse effects during the lockdown, mainly on health and education.<\/p>\r\n
In Bangladesh<\/strong>, it took the tragic custodial death in February 2021, of writer Mushtaq Ahmed incarcerated for ten months and repeatedly denied bail, to once more shine the spotlight on the draconian Digital Security Act (DSA) which has been widely used against journalists, bloggers and citizens to penalise free speech and critical opinion. The lone Cyber Crimes Tribunal, reeling under a staggering pending case load can barely manage due process in hearing cases, leave aside render justice.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, besides the time-honoured tactic of internet shutdowns to cut communications, the newly promulgated Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 gave the government the power to censor, order takedowns and block content without any recourse to appeal. Independent digital platforms termed the rules not just unconstitutional, but a blow to democracy itself, and have challenged this attempt at over-regulation in the highest court in the country. In addition to its attempt to control independent digital media, fast emerging as major players in the media landscape, the Indian government came down strongly on social media expression deemed to be critical of the government\u2019s handling of the pandemic. In the same vein, the new media Policy in Jammu and Kashmir (downgraded from state to centrally administered union territory in April 2019), issued in June 2020, was immediately viewed with disquiet by journalists, given that it empowers government officers to take action on \u201cfake news\u201d or \u201canti-national content\u201d.<\/p>\r\nAllegations of misinformation and rumour mongering were thrown at journalists and even citizens exposing the horrific ground reality of acute shortage of medical supplies, oxygen, overflowing hospitals and crematoria. Significantly, while content critical of the government was taken down, virulent hate speech against minorities and misogynist speech online thrived in India. Social media platforms Twitter and Facebook too succumbed to takedown requests by the government, failing to stand up for free speech.<\/p>\r\n
Across the region, governments displayed a remarkable disrespect towards the media, and took steps to increase regulation. In Nepal<\/strong>, the government moved ahead with tougher bills and regulations such as the Media Council Bill, the Public Service Broadcasting Bill, the Information Technology Bill, and the Special Service Bill \u2013 all of which have clauses that could undermine press freedom. The clampdown on social media has been proposed on pretexts of the \u201ccountry\u2019s sovereignty, security, unity or harmony\u201d. The Media Council Bill could erode the autonomy of the media, with government-appointed regulators, a provision that has been vehemently opposed by media rights organisations.<\/p>\r\nThe international norm of self-regulation by media was also violated in Sri Lanka<\/strong>, where in January 2021, the Cabinet of Ministers proposed to amend the Press Council Law to include electronic and new media and approved a proposal to \u2018structurally reform and reorganise\u2019 the Press Council to cover electronic and new media. The move was criticised by the Professional Web Journalists' Association which argued that the electronic and new media should be not controlled, but self-regulated with a stringent code of ethics developed by the media community itself.<\/p>\r\nLivelihood in peril<\/h4>\r\n
The pandemic year was also witness to dramatic loss of jobs in the media, across the region. Over 8,000 of Pakistan\u2019s<\/strong> estimated 20,000 journalists <\/span>lost their jobs in 2020<\/a> alone, and rural and district staff were more likely to be retrenched.<\/span><\/p>\r\nJournalists, mainly through the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), remained up in arms for most of the year and in early 2021 launched an \u201cenough is enough\u201d campaign across the country to protest job losses, pay cuts, censorship and rising intimidation. The media industry found new external supporters, including the legal community and civil society in institutional and organised partnerships with PFUJ to jointly resist the rising attacks on media freedoms, journalists\u2019 rights and public interest journalism in Pakistan.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, which saw a series of retrenchments from March 2020 onwards, there are no clear numbers of the job losses or salary cuts. <\/span>Estimates<\/a> put the figures in the thousands. Besides layoffs, salary cuts and delays in payments, media houses also threatened to sack staff if they wanted to work from home. The obstinacy of many managements led to staff in some media houses getting infected with the coronavirus en masse. Journalists from the regional press were harder hit, with fewer paying options than their English media counterparts. <\/span><\/p>\r\n\u00a0<\/span>The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) took up more than 500 complaints relating to job loss and non-payment of salary in Nepal<\/strong>. A survey conducted by the <\/span>FNJ in September 2020, revealed the desperate state of Nepal\u2019s journalists: the earning of 40 percent of journalists was affected by the pandemic and the nationwide lockdowns and women journalists were more severely impacted. Several media houses in Kathmandu suspended publications, cut down broadcast hours and decreased the size of the newspapers. The revenue of 75 percent of the once vibrant radio sector decreased due to the pandemic.<\/p>\r\nThe story was no different in Bangladesh<\/strong> where an estimated 1,250 journalists lost their jobs and several thousand faced salary cuts or irregular payments. While media owners blamed the pandemic for the drop in revenue and resultant salary cuts, trade unionists say that irregular payments were a norm of a section of media houses which then grasped at the pandemic as a justification to deny journalists their rights.<\/p>\r\nThe pandemic crisis however, only added to existing pressures that journalists across the region face. A major threat being the increasing polarisation on communal lines.<\/span><\/p>\r\nRising Extremism<\/h4>\r\n
South Asia has ravaged by religious, ethnic and caste divides for decades, but the growing cleavages of the last few years have been unprecedented. With hyper-nationalist parties in power in many countries in the region drawing votes and support from religiously aligned groups, the polity too has been sharply divided. Minorities in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have been particularly vulnerable, in this context of majoritarian politics. These divisions have inevitably affected the media. While some sections have added to the problem by exacerbating divisions and amplifying hate, others have had to struggle to remain independent.<\/p>\r\n
Existing fault lines were exacerbated by external situations that are likely to impact the whole region. The proposed withdrawal of US-NATO troops from Afghanistan by the coming September is feared to increase the Taliban's influence in Afghanistan<\/strong>, a development that could have a ripple effect in the region in terms of encouraging radicalism. Hard worn democratic and secular gains could be pushed back, with a direct impact on the media and individual journalists. Likewise, growing communalism in India<\/strong>, encouraged by the government in power, has a dangerous spill over effect in the neighbourhood, contributing to more polarisation and the strengthening of extremist groups. The media cannot be immune from attack, even as it attempts to uphold constitutional values, and the rights of women, minorities and the marginalised.<\/p>\r\nReligion in the Maldives<\/strong> is a no-go topic in public discourse, and the fear of being labelled anti-Islam contributes to the journalists practicing self-censorship of forgoing bylines while reporting on extremism in the country. As part of official control, the Communications Authority of Maldives blocks websites with anti-Islamic content upon request by ministries and other agencies. Though social media use is growing, intimidation and deaths threats pose the greatest challenge for free expression online. The yet unsolved murders of journalist Ahmed Rilwan and blogger Yameen Rashid known for their vocal criticism of religious fundamentalism are grim reminders of the risks of speaking out for religious freedom or minority rights. In its World Report 2021, Human Rights Watch accused the government of failing to confront the influence of hard-line Islamist groups. \u201cOnline intimidation of human rights groups continued to have a chilling effect on civil society in 2020,\u201d and reiterated calls to tackle hate speech and violence online.<\/p>\r\nThe state response to tackling religious extremism however, often has serious implications for freedom of expression and civil rights. In Sri<\/strong> Lanka<\/strong>, the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalisation from Holding Violent Extremist Religious Ideology) Regulations were issued in march 2021, expanding on the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). Powers given to authorities to detain and \u2018rehabilitate\u2019 anyone who \u2018by words either spoken or intended to be read or by signs or by visible representations\u2019 causes the commission of violence or \u2018religious, racial or communal disharmony or feelings of ill will or hostility between different communities or racial or religious groups\u2019 is prone to misuse, fear activists. The spate of arrests in cases of hate speech, mostly of Tamil and Muslim minorities further reinforces this apprehension of selective use of power by law enforcement agencies.<\/p>\r\nWomen journalists in the firing line<\/h4>\r\n
The rampant vitriol and violence online were particularly targeted at women journalists in the region. Pakistani<\/strong> women journalists had a rough year, facing unrelenting abuse by organised troll armies, many backed by members of the ruling party, prompting them to release a petition taking the government to account. Similar was the case across the border in India<\/strong>, where online abuse took a heavy toll in an already stressful year of the pandemic. Sexist abuse, misogyny and spillover of online to offline stalking and violence became the price that women journalists paid for speaking out.<\/span><\/p>\r\nThe marginalised existence of women journalists in South Asia\u2019s media community is itself one of the factors contributing to precarity. A report released in early 2020 by the South Asia Women\u2019s Network, showed that women accounted for only 29 per cent of staff in Maldives<\/strong> media organisations. Only five per cent leadership roles were occupied by women. Paradoxically, the enrolment of women in journalism courses in the Maldives was higher than men at 3:1. This data begs the question: where do these professional women vanish? The answer probably lies in another finding of the study: women face immense discrimination, harassment and bullying at the workplace.<\/p>\r\nNepali<\/strong> women journalists too faced character assassination, body shaming, speculation about sexual links with prominent men, with women journalists from marginalised communities such as Madhesi and Dalit are more intensive attack. Women journalists fought back, and refused to be silenced, speedily blocking abusers, reporting them and also using aliases to move forward and express themselves online.<\/p>\r\nPatchy access to information<\/h4>\r\n
Almost all countries in South Asia sought to tighten controls over access to information, denying journalists a basic tool for accurate reporting. In Afghanistan<\/strong>, despite an Access to Information Law passed in 2014 and amended in 2018, there are barriers to information access. The setting up of an independent Information Access Commission with 65 government-level departments to assist in the transfer of information from government offices to the media, is potentially a step towards easing access. However, implementation remains a question, given other moves that restrict access, for example the 2020 restrictions authorising only governors to share information with the media, thus creating huge bottlenecks. Moreover, with the imminent withdrawal of the US-NATO troops in the coming year, the barriers to accessing information regarding the opaque agencies of security, justice and peace will undoubtedly impact credible reporting at this crucial juncture.<\/p>\r\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, access to information is still wrapped up in red-tape and complicated bureaucratic procedure in a hierarchical set up, necessitating permissions to record videos or take a photo. Besides media persons, researchers and scholars in Bhutan are also coming up against the same obstacles. Free speech and expression as well as pursuit of research are thus impeded by official barriers.<\/p>\r\nDespite the passage of the Right to Information Act in the Maldives<\/strong> six years ago, a culture of secrecy persists and journalists are hard put to access information from certain state agencies. A survey by the Human Rights Commission of Maldives released in December 2020 showed that a majority of people were dissatisfied with access to official information and only 36 percent found the right to information law to have been helpful.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, the repercussions of the 2019 amendments to the once robust Right to Information Act could be seen during the pandemic when access to information was vital \u2013 access to data on funds, vaccine roll out and health infrastructure was repeatedly blocked by official agencies and the Central Information Commission did little to enable the flow of critical information.<\/p>\r\nLikewise, Sri Lanka<\/strong> too witnessed the dilution of its Right to Information Commission, which could affect its independent functioning.<\/p>\r\nWelcome pushback<\/h4>\r\n
\u00a0<\/em><\/strong>Despite the relentless battles on several fronts, while struggling to stay afloat, South Asian journalists valiantly put up a resistance to the onslaught on media rights in all countries of the region. Challenges in court, mobilising and collective action despite the restrictions in mobility and the overwhelming public health crisis, were evidence of a spirited defiance.<\/p>\r\nThe attempt to control the digital space by governments in several countries in the region was met with a heartening push back. In Pakistan,<\/strong> independent online journalism platforms together formed the Digital Media Alliance of Pakistan (DigiMAP<\/a>) to challenge and resist the state\u2019s increasing authoritarianism on national dialogues initiated by grassroots communities. DigiMAP represents the emerging bold new ecosystem of independent media start-ups that have taken it upon themselves to champion the cause of public interest journalism that the legacy media has been forced to surrender before an increasingly hostile state. DigiMAP also put out a strong statement<\/a> against the new digital regulations.<\/p>\r\nDespite the burgeoning digital media in India<\/strong> and its vital role in promoting independent journalism, there was until now no single body representing the digital news media. Eleven digital media organisations came together in October 2020 to launch the DIGIPUB News India Foundation \u201cto represent, amplify and evolve best practices to build a robust digital news ecology that is truly world-class, independent and upholds the highest standards of journalism,\u201d One of its first actions was to challenge the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 in court, as an infringement of freedom of expression.<\/p>\r\n
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MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250129__36WH98W__v1__HighRes__NepalReligionHinduismFestival-scaled.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250204__36X44MW__v1__Preview__IndiaBhutanReligionFestivalKumbh.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Section” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”554.9px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”131px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”57px|||||” border_style_all=”none” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” min_height=”65px” border_width_bottom=”5px” border_style_bottom=”solid” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Overview<\/strong><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A Turbulent Year<\/h3>\n
South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens were among those leading phenomenal pushbacks against entrenched authoritarian regimes, voting out incumbent governments and expressing unified dissatisfaction with misgovernance, corruption and overreach. Amid the upheaval, the media played a critical role in amplifying people\u2019s aspirations and speaking truth to the powerful.<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh<\/strong>, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule. Hopes are now pinned on the country\u2019s new Chief Adviser Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to help rebuild state institutions, revive the economy, restore human rights and press freedom and combat the deeply entrenched communal polarisation and a newly emboldened right-wing.\u00a0<\/p>\nIn Sri Lanka<\/strong>, the natural next step on from the people\u2019s movement of 2022 came with a major political shift achieved through the ballot in the September 2024 presidential election. The victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, of the left of centre National People’s Power (NPP) or Jathika Jana Balawegaya, followed by the party\u2019s definitive victory in November\u2019s parliamentary elections signified a departure from the country\u2019s deep-rooted dynastic rule under the Rajapaksa family, characterised by authoritarianism, corruption and economic chaos. The new president, known widely as AKD, has cast himself as a disruptor to the status quo for his anti-corruption platform and pro-poor policies in the wake of the country\u2019s worst ever economic crisis, which is still having an impact on millions.<\/p>\nIn Pakistan<\/strong>, political instability and intervention by the military apparatus in virtually every area of public space, was clearly evident during and following the national election in February 2024. Fraught with political repression and violence, the national elections were heavily tainted by allegations of rigging, voter suppression and technicalities that resulted in the deregistering of one major political party. When a post-election alliance brought to power two dynastic parties that had won fewer seats individually, the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) took to the streets in months-long, and often violent agitations that left many dead and injured. Ranked at 124, Pakistan\u2019s democracy ranking fell by six spots in the year to be listed among the top 10 worst performers in the Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit released in February 2025. The Democratic Index now firmly terms Pakistan as no longer a democracy, but an authoritarian regime.<\/p>\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, a quiet but firm political upheaval resulted in the country decisively voting out the incumbent government and choosing to unequivocally place faith in one of the country\u2019s oldest political parties, the 18-year-old People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The role of the media in voter literacy in a country where about half the population is under 25 years old, cannot be underestimated.<\/p>\nThe atoll nation of the Maldives<\/strong> saw a peaceful transfer of power via the ballot, with the parliamentary elections of April 2024 again ushering in a government of the ruling People\u2019s National Congress with a thumping majority. While the electorate\u2019s message was in favour of stability, a weakened opposition has raised concerns about arming the new president, Mohamed Muizzu, with both executive and legislative control. Unchecked power has never boded well for freedom of the press, particularly in the case of the Maldives.<\/p>\nThe Indian<\/strong> electorate returned the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power with a reduced majority. But hopes that the diminished numbers would temper aggressive and non-consultative policies have not been upheld.<\/p>\nInstability and shifting coalition dynamics marked Nepal\u2019s<\/strong> political scene in the past year. A fragmented parliament with no clear winners after the election in January 2024 ultimately led to KP Sharma Oli, forming a coalition government with the centrist Nepali Congress in July 2024. It marks his fourth tenure as the country\u2019s prime minister. But fragile alliances and ongoing political instability in the country, including a resurgence of a pro-monarchy movement, have so far plagued attempts at legislative action, including long awaited amendments to policies and laws related to the media.<\/p>\nAmid the hope engendered by political change in its neighbourhood, Afghanistan\u2019s<\/strong> media faced yet another year of plummeting press freedom with the country now sitting just two places from the bottom of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index. Hard fought achievements over recent decades on access to information, media funding and viability, as well as gender equity and plurality are now all but erased. Yet Afghan journalists continued to cling tenaciously to hope, endeavouring to operate within a media landscape of heightened restrictions, especially for women.<\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”zoom” scroll_fade_enable=”on” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule.\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240806__36AG8JF__v2__Preview__TopshotIndiaBangladeshUnrestStudents.jpg” title_text=”INDIA-BANGLADESH-UNREST-STUDENTS” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The ousting of iron-fisted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh had ripple effects across the region and strained ties with neighbouring India. Hindus make up almost ten per cent of Bangladesh’s 174 million people. After the embattled leader fled to India, the post-Hasina power vacuum also led to increased violence against members of the Hindu minority community. A vendor hangs a newspaper along a roadside in Hyderabad, India, on August 6, 2024. Credit: Noah Seelam \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||17px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Unfree digiverse <\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, the digital space continued to offer immense opportunities to expose corruption and human rights violations and challenge mainstream and official narratives. Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. The problem remains, however, with maintaining professional standards and editorial verification processes.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, the passage in January 2025 of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act (PECA) was met with vehement protests, hunger strikes and demonstrations across the country. Ostensibly created to combat \u2018fake news\u2019, the law has been termed \u201cdraconian\u201d and an assault on free speech. Amended provisions to allow third-party legal entities to lodge complaints with the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), raised concerns about suppression of dissent.<\/p>\n
In February 2025, during her visit to Pakistan, IFJ president, Dominique Pradalie, joined union leaders in a protest march in Islamabad against the controversial amendments to the PECA Act, urging Pakistani authorities to uphold freedom of expression, and repeal the PECA Act.<\/p>\n
India globally ranks second after China in terms of internet users, now estimated at more than 806 million individuals. With social media user<\/a><\/span> penetration at 34 per cent, the elections to parliament and several state assemblies in 2024 presented an opportunity for social media to fill gaps that mainstream media seemed hesitant to cover. The massive surge in digital advertising spending testified to the role of social media marketing, with the total election budget for political parties collectively reaching INR 13,000 crore (approximately USD 1.5 billion) across various media platforms. The ruling BJP had the most prominent online presence, using social media and artificial intelligence (AI) driven tools, influencers and even paid trolls to target opponents, human rights activists and journalists. But other parties are fast catching up. These new avenues for dissent were also spaces that strongly peddled misinformation.<\/p>\nThe Global Risks Report<\/a><\/span> 2024, released by the World Economic Forum, currently ranks misinformation and disinformation as the number one risk now facing the world. Distorted and manipulated information, which has become increasingly easier with AI enabled tools, will continue to have far reaching impacts, it warns.<\/p>\nReflecting the global trend, alarmingly though not unexpectedly, social media platforms in India were also used to spew hate and polarise communities. A report<\/a><\/span> \u2018Social Media and Hate Speech in India\u2019 of the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate (CSOH) identified Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, Telegram, and X (formerly Twitter) as key drivers enabling, amplifying, and mainstreaming hate speech and extremist ideologies, spreading Hindu nationalist ideology and anti-minority rhetoric.\u00a0<\/p>\nGovernment overreach and control was visible in the number of takedowns of YouTube – the highest<\/a><\/span> globally over the last three months of 2024, for ostensibly violating \u201ccommunity guidelines\u201d. \u2018Sahayog\u2019, a portal launched in March 2025 to facilitate co-ordinated action on cybercrime, has come in for criticism by some of the major platforms. Elon Musk, owner of social media platform X has termed it a tool of censorship and refused to join the portal.<\/p>\nIn another small pushback, on September 20, 2024, the Bombay High Court struck down the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2023, which allowed the Central Government to form a Fact-Check Unit to identify online content regarding government business as \u201cfake, false, or misleading\u201d.<\/p>\n
Internet shutdowns continue to be another way of turning off the switch on information sharing that is unpalatable to governments. According to digital rights advocacy group Access Now, for the first time since 2018, India with a total of 84 internet shutdowns in 2024 was not ranked first in internet shutdown orders, following Myanmar this year with 85 shutdowns. Shutdowns were done on various pretexts: communal conflict, protests and instability, to prevent cheating in exams, and elections, with Manipur and Kashmir facing the highest number of shutdowns.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan\u2019s elections there was a significant shift toward social media for campaigning, alongside traditional rallies and meetings. But the proliferation and ease of dissemination came with attendant problems of extreme polarisation, trolling and abuse. Disinformation and deepfakes muddied the waters and invited typical government responses of bans and suspensions of platforms and slowing down internet services.<\/p>\n
During the Sri Lankan parliamentary and presidential elections in 2024, digital platforms became vehicles for misinformation and online abuse, with the Election Commission as well as tech giants standing by helplessly. Women candidates were exposed to malicious social media attacks, undermining their right to public office.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. <\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Amendments to Pakistan\u2019s Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) were met with nationwide protests by journalists and freedom of expression activists. The PECA law presents a clear battleground for the media with the amendments effectively criminalising online disinformation. Leaders and activists of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists protest in Karachi on January 31, 2025. Credit: Rizwan Tabassum \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Is AI the future?<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe rapid entry of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in newsrooms in South Asia has forced a hasty appraisal of its possibilities and challenges. \u2018<\/em>Media Metamorphosis: AI and Bangladeshi Newsrooms 2024\u2019, a study conducted by the Media Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) found that, while 51 per cent of journalists have utilised AI tools, only 20 per cent of news organisations have institutionalised its use. ChatGPT was the most popular tool, accounting for 78 per cent of all usage.<\/p>\nWhile the impact of AI in Indian newsrooms has yet to be studied systematically, there is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/p>\n
AI may not have taken off yet in Sri Lankan newsrooms, but in May 2024, state broadcaster Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) made history by using two AI versions of Chaminda Gunarathne and Nishadi Bandaranayake, two of SLRC\u2019s most popular news anchors,\u00a0taking a significant step in the use of AI tech in Sinhala language newscasting<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\nNewsrooms in Pakistan are increasingly using AI to enhance professionalism, but the impact of this transition on jobs and the media economy has yet to be systematically studied. The first country in South Asia to introduce a policy and legal framework to promote ethical and responsible use of AI is Pakistan. The country\u2019s Ministry of Information Technology and Telecommunications released a draft National AI Policy in May 2023, while the Senate introduced the “Regulation of Artificial Intelligence Act 2024,” to regulate AI, mitigate associated risks, and penalise violations.<\/p>\n
But even as governments and other stakeholders in South Asia confront the challenges of AI, make policies and draw up legal guidelines, one thing is clear: any regulatory framework must be undergirded by the ethics and morality of social justice and be strongly informed by the media sector as a key stakeholder.<\/p>\n
A deathly toll<\/strong><\/h3>\nReporting on the people\u2019s uprising in Bangladesh came with a heavy price. Security forces shot dead four journalists and one was hacked to death by anti-government protesters in the three weeks of mass uprising in July 2024.<\/p>\n
Pakistan bore witness to the most violent year for journalists in the country in two decades with eight journalists killed in the period under review. Most were shot by unidentified assailants, and one was caught in sectarian crossfire while reporting. The rapid declines in journalist safety and the high death toll once again places Pakistan as the deadliest country in Asia-Pacific for media workers.<\/p>\n
The horrific murder of Mukesh Chandrakar in Bastar in Central India illustrated the hazards of reporting from conflict zones and exposing corruption. Abducted, murdered and buried in a septic tank, his body was discovered on January 2, 2025.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, cameraperson Suresh Rajak of Avenues Television was burnt to death on March 28, 2025, while reporting atop a building in Kathmandu set alight by protestors during a violent pro-monarchy demonstration. The case once more underlined the real and present dangers for media workers on the frontline of political protests and civil unrest.<\/p>\n
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There is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”749.8px” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” title_text=”240808 Rilwan” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” background_color=”RGBA(0,0,0,0)” min_height=”529px” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Repeated investigative failures continue to deny justice for Maldivian blogger and journalist Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, who was forcibly disappeared by extremists on August 8, 2014. On the tenth anniversary of his abduction and murder, the Maldives Journalist Association (MJA) called for justice and a public enquiry. Impunity for the crime has prompted continued self- censorship in the media. Credit: MJA<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Righting wrongs<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe mighty task of tackling ever increasing levels of impunity for crimes against journalists and media workers has so far eluded most governments of South Asia. Even in the stronger democracies, a failure to bring such perpetrators to justice is a blight that continues to plague the region.<\/p>\n
The interim government in Bangladesh is now confronted by the expansive debris of human rights violations left by Sheikh Hasina\u2019s government. A 2025 report<\/a><\/span> by the UN Human Rights Office estimates the number of deaths during the uprising at around 1,400 \u2013 around 13 per cent of them children \u2013 and thousands more injured between July 15 and August 5, 2024. A significant majority was shot by security forces.\u00a0The report pointed to a media blackout enforced by the intelligence and security agencies through fear and intimidation to supress news of the brutalities on the ground. \u201cThere are reasonable grounds to believe hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture, were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the political leadership and senior security officials as part of a strategy to suppress the protests,\u201d it said.<\/p>\nIn August 2024, on the tenth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of blogger Ahmed Rilwan, human rights and press freedom groups called on the Maldives\u2019 new government to publicly disclose the long-demanded findings of a deaths and disappearances commission set up in 2019. The tardy prosecution in this pivotal case of key national interest has undoubtedly prompted continued self-censorship in the media regarding any matters that might be termed as anti-Islamic.<\/p>\n
Small steps were taken to tackle impunity in Nepal with the passage in August 2024 of an amendment to the Enforced Disappearance Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act. Nepal saw the killings of 23 journalists during its decade-long insurgency (1996-2006), and proper investigation and action against perpetrators is still awaited. However, the amendment is unlikely to provide adequate justice to the families of the killed journalists due to loopholes and inconsistency with international law. The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has currently rated the civic space in Nepal as \u2018obstructed\u2019 on account of continuing violations of civil rights including arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and the targeting of journalists.<\/p>\n
The struggle for justice for Sri Lankan cartoonist and journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda who was abducted and forcibly disappeared in 2010 continues. Likewise, 16 years on from his murder, justice continues to elude Lasantha Wickrematunge, the slain editor of The Sunday Leader<\/em>. Following public protests, Sri Lanka\u2019s Attorney General revoked his own recommendation to release three suspects linked to the journalist\u2019s murder. Among other long-running cases of killings and attacks documented during the war, criminal investigators finally arrested two ex-army intelligence personnel in connection with the abduction and torture of senior journalist Keith Noyahr in May 2008.<\/p>\nIn March 2025, the Sri Lankan government tabled the long-suppressed Batalanda Commission Report in Parliament, addressing alleged state-sponsored human rights violations, including illegal detentions and torture, during the 1988\u20131990 period of civil unrest. While the timing of the tabling of the report has been questioned, it allows hope that accountability for decades-old crimes may be fixed. The wheels of justice indeed turn slowly.<\/p>\n
The civil war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009, but its repercussions continue to be felt. Tamil journalists are still singled out for harassment by both state and non-state actors. Evidencing this, journalists from the North of the country presented<\/a><\/span> a memo in June 2024 to the UNHCR in Jaffna calling for a UN-led process to monitor violence against journalists in the country.\u00a0 Responding to government edicts prohibiting memorials to Tamil journalists and human rights defenders, in May 2024, Amnesty International issued a statement calling for justice for war victims and the right to mourn and to memorialisation. In northern Sri Lanka, the Mullaitivu Media Forum marked the 24th<\/sup> anniversary of the killing of senior Jaffna-based journalist Mylvaganam Nimalrajan, calling for an international investigation into crimes against journalists. It emphasised that the lack of closure perpetuated impunity and enabled perpetrators to continue without any fear of reprisals.<\/p>\nAttacking the messenger<\/strong><\/h3>\nSheikh Hasina\u2019s dramatic exit from Bangladesh further emboldened opposition-supported miscreants to target journalists, particularly in areas outside the capital, Dhaka. As many as 99 journalists were injured in 51 separate incidents through to March 2025, with 47 attacks outside of Dhaka, mostly by members of the Bangladesh National Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami.<\/p>\n
According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests. Anger over news coverage led mobs to go on a rampage against individual journalists. Press clubs, newspaper offices and television studios were also attacked, equipment destroyed, broadcasts halted, and staff intimidated. The full number of these attacks is not known.<\/p>\n
In Afghanistan, the AFJC<\/em> recorded at least 172 violations against journalists and media outlets for the year up to March 2025. Its reporting highlights a 24 per cent increase in media rights violations compared to the previous year and reflects the worsening conditions for journalists and media organisations, as restrictions on press freedom continue to tighten. Meanwhile, Afghan journalists who have fled to neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, continue to face legal uncertainties, financial struggles, persecution, legal harassment and professional isolation.<\/p>\nThe Federation of Nepali Journalists\u2019 (FNJ) monitoring mechanism recorded a total of 47 incidents of press freedom violations, including attacks, threats and harassment, both online and offline, by a range of perpetrators including government functionaries. The arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, chairperson and owner of two prominent national dailies, Kantipur and Kathmandu Post, and a radio and television station over issues related to his citizenship seemed a clear case of intimidation and retribution by the then-deputy prime minister, Rabi Lamichhane, who was unhappy over reporting about him.<\/p>\n
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According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][et_pb_divider show_divider=”off” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”25px” custom_margin=”||-1px|||” custom_padding=”||0px|0px||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_divider][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Bangladesh\u2019s journalists faced harassment, arrests, and heavy restrictions while covering national anti-government demonstrations in 2024. Students protesting near Dhaka University in Bangladesh\u2019s capital on August 12, 2024, demanded accountability and a trial for Bangladesh’s ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Credit: Luis Tato \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”7px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Narrative control<\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, governments attempted to shape public discourse through their hold and influence on the media and its owners.<\/p>\n
In Sri Lanka, the media was called out for supporting alleged divisive stands and openly promoting select candidates and amplifying these messages on social media. This invited a slate of take down notices from the Election Commission.<\/p>\n
The false promises of ensuring press freedom made by the Taliban when they took on the reins of power in Afghanistan in 2021 were quickly belied. News media in the country are, for the most part, forced to exist as a propaganda wing of the government, with independent journalism being all but crushed. Reports are closely monitored and rejected for non-compliance with the rules of the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, an agency set up in 1992 by the government under Burhanuddin Rabbani and now revived by the Taliban. Taboo subjects include women\u2019s rights, social justice and human rights.<\/p>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts. Bans include: criticism of Taliban officials, women\u2019s voices, filming and recording video interviews with local officials, broadcasting of images of living beings, including animals. Additionally, terminology such as \u2018martyr\u2019 is required to be used when reporting Taliban casualties.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s mainstream media continued to be reined in by repression or financial harassment via the foisting of legal cases or removing the non-profit status of some of its feistier media outlets. Control was also exercised through co-option and a system of rewards and incentives through advertisements. Analysis<\/a><\/span> by the BBC found that major news websites in the country published larger volumes of content mentioning the incumbent prime minister and his party, with editorials predicting his win. Attempting to legitimise sycophancy, the government of Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state in India, released the Digital Media Policy 2024 to not only regulate platforms with vague definitions of \u201canti-national\u201d content, but also to develop a retinue of paid influencers. The move was vehemently opposed by journalist bodies.<\/p>\nInternational correspondents in India faced ramped up efforts to control their reporting. Work permits of several foreign correspondents were cancelled on flimsy grounds, a move that was particularly suspect during election year.<\/p>\n
A report, Unveiling Public Trust in the Maldivian Media\u2019 released in May 2024 found that 87 per cent of respondents held the media accountable for political divisions in the country with television and internet news websites perceived to have the highest levels of sensational or biased coverage. This was a clear wake-up call for the media to regain public trust in the atoll nation.<\/p>\n
Information is power <\/strong><\/h3>\nAccess to information, one of the lodestones of credible journalism, has been steadily declining in various parts of the region.<\/p>\n
Afghanistan, once ranked number one of 130 countries in terms of access to information, has rapidly plummeted under the Taliban. With stringent controls over information, blocking requests, especially by women journalists, the rights once guaranteed by the Access to Information Law have atrophied. A 2024 report by the Afghanistan Journalists Support Organization (AJSO) highlights that 38 per cent of women journalists cite gender discrimination as a major barrier to accessing information, while 33 per cent fear repercussions for exposing the truth. Furthermore, 58 per cent of women journalists have no legal recourse when their requests for information are denied, underscoring the failure of Afghanistan\u2019s current media system to uphold transparency.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, despite a government guideline issued in April 2024 to increase transparency and accountability, journalists reported that media spokespersons were variously unavailable or lacked the necessary information to handle media requests.<\/p>\n
Upon assuming power in the Maldives, President Muizzu promised such high transparency in governance that the need to seek information would be redundant. However, this declaration has been belied, with the Attorney General\u2019s office challenging orders from the Information Commissioner to comply with right to information requests. Access to events and information was linked with proximity to the government, with critical news outlets like Adhadhu refused on coverage.<\/p>\n
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A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Women\u2019s faces are concealed at a women’s clothing shop in Kabul, Afghanistan, after an order by the Taliban\u2019s \u2018Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice\u2019. The de-facto government took further action to exclude women in Afghanistan society, including banning women from speaking in public, acting in television programs, or having their voices heard on radio. Credit: Wakil Kohsar \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”947.2px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Media Closures<\/strong><\/h3>\nJob insecurity was a running theme across the region. The period under review saw ever more journalists and media workers lose their livelihoods with media closures due to government interference, revenue losses and industry job shedding.<\/p>\n
A March 2025 report by the independent non-profit Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC) reported that 22 outlets closed in the past twelve months. Several radio stations were allegedly shut down by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice because they played background music, or allowed women to call in during live programs, thereby crossing the Taliban\u2019s so-called “red lines.” The economic downturn also resulted in the suspension of licenses of 17 media outlets in Nangarhar due to unpaid debts. Many local media outlets are struggling to renew their licenses and even pay electricity bills and taxes. Journalists\u2019 unions in the country estimate that almost half of Afghanistan\u2019s 4,001 male <\/strong>and 747 female remaining journalists<\/strong> are working without salaries or employment benefits.<\/p>\nThe major political realignments of the past year had a direct impact on the media in Bangladesh. Political retribution and perceived proximity to the ousted regime also led to mass sackings and forced resignations of senior editors, news chiefs and reporters.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s media saw an almost 15 per cent rise in industry layoffs in 2024-2025. Almost 200 to 400 media professionals lost jobs across print, television, and digital newsrooms in the first six months of 2024, a trend that is likely to continue. Several prominent small and medium print outlets were also forced to close down due to the high cost of printing, diminishing circulation and decline in advertisement revenue. Media closures inevitably led to an erosion in standards of decent work for media workers.<\/p>\n
In India, a significant threat to access to information emerged in the shape of an amendment to the Right to Information Act, which was introduced in the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, a law that is meant to uphold the right to privacy. However, blocking access to anything termed as \u201cpersonal information\u201d even if it is public interest, is likely to impact attempts enhance institutional accountability.<\/p>\n
Decent work challenged<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe lack of decent and timely wages for journalists was highlighted in the tragic case of Nepali journalist Shyam Sundar Pudasaini, 33. The young investigative journalist collapsed upon return from work, prompting inquiries over working conditions and non-payment of wages. He is not the first journalist to die on the job waiting for rightful wages to be paid. Unsurprisingly, , the long-awaited amendments to the Working Journalists Act and fixation of minimum wages once again came to the fore in media industry and union advocacy.<\/p>\n
A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions. With labour laws in dire reform to include the digital sphere, a whole section of media workers remains out in the cold, with no protections.<\/p>\n
Unpaid salaries and wage theft in Pakistan is the most critical industry issues affecting the media sector in terms of the widespread and deeply entrenched nature of the problem dating back many years. The IFJ and the PFUJ continue to lobby on the issue, demanding solutions and holding media owners accountable. A hopeful breakthrough came in November 2024, when the Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting\u00a0of Pakistan\u2019s National Assembly finally addressed the issue of unpaid salaries for media workers and recommended stronger measures to safeguard their rights.<\/p>\n
Restructuring measures aimed at streamlining state broadcasters in Sri Lanka are set to see a merger of Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and Independent Television Network. The move, aimed at getting the broadcasters out of massive debts, will also inevitably lead to more job losses in the beleaguered media sector which is yet to recover from post-pandemic downsizing.<\/p>\n
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A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A demonstrator holds a placard protesting the new Social Media Bill tabled in Nepal\u2019s federal parliament on February 12, 2025. The controversial bill allows authorities to ban media platforms and remove content in violation of government conditions. Unions and media stakeholders say the provisions are a government attempt to impose censorship and curtail basic human rights. Credit: Subaas Shrestha \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Legalised harassment<\/strong><\/h3>\nIn Bangladesh, the replacement of the draconian Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act of 2006 with the Digital Security Act (DSA) in 2018, and then the Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), has not led to any substantial change on the ground. Journalist bodies continued to face repression under vaguely formulated provisions. Around 5,818 cases filed under the CSA and the previous two laws currently remain pending in the country’s eight cyber tribunals.<\/p>\n
The interim government, responding to demands for repealing or amending repressive legislation, in December 2024 released a draft Cyber Protection Ordinance. Disappointingly, it seems very similar to the CSA, for example by penalising \u201churting religious sentiment\u201d with a jail term and fine. Terming the draft as \u201cconflicting to basic human rights,\u201d 100 distinguished citizens issued a joint statement in January 2025 demanding it also be scrapped.<\/p>\n
Concerns remained over Sri Lanka\u2019s overly broad and vague Online Safety Act and its ability to severely curtail free expression. But even in the face of vehement opposition, an amendment bill was rushed through in August 2024, just ahead of the parliamentary election. In the run up to the presidential elections, a collective of 41 trade unions urged President Ranil Wickremesinghe to urgently repeal the OSA and other laws they say undermine democracy in Sri Lanka. Over 50 lawsuits are challenging the draft bill.<\/p>\n
In India, the overuse of counter terror laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) as well as finance-related laws like the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) against media persons has tended to promote self-censorship. Kashmiri journalists have also borne the brunt of state repression with many battling long drawn-out cases, with some serving jail terms for their reporting. Others are routinely summoned to police stations for verification, coerced into revealing sources, placed on no-fly lists, have their passports revoked or their homes raided.<\/p>\n
Regulatory laws in India <\/span>such as the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill 2023 aimed at overhauling digital media regulations, continue to raise concerns about government overreach and potential censorship of OTT platforms and individual content creators. After backlash from independent media, the government withdrew a revised 2024 draft but reinstated the original 2023 version, keeping uncertainties alive over future regulatory controls.<\/span><\/p>\nAfter securing the parliamentary supermajority in the Maldives, the government proposed an amendment to the 2023 Evidence Act, which, among other concerns, allows courts to compel journalists to disclose anonymous sources in cases related to terrorism or national security. While the provision has not been enforced, the law still remains unchanged.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, a heavy-handed approach to social media regulation saw the introduction in January 2025, of the Social Media Operation, Use and Regulation Bill. Critics argue that the bill, which criminalises online expression with harsh fines and jail terms, has potential to undermine freedom of expression and press freedom. The UNESCO review of the bill states that provisions of the bill contradict international standards and are not in line with constitutional mandates of transparency, accountability and a multi-stakeholder strategy of digital governance. The Media Council Bill, passed on February 10, 2025, though a moderate version of the earlier draft, still contains problematic provisions such as the government\u2019s appointments of most of the council members, undermining its independence.<\/p>\n
Pakistan\u2019s Punjab Defamation Act 2024, with its vague and over broad definitions, makes violations punishable with massive fines, and tribunals can compel deemed offenders to issue an \u201cunconditional apology\u201d and direct regulatory bodies to block their social media accounts. Journalists\u2019 bodies termed the law \u201cdraconian\u201d and vigorously protested its enactment.<\/p>\n
Some judicial pronouncements in India provide hope. Guaranteeing the right to free speech, on March 28, 2025, the Supreme Court of India stated that \u201creasonable restrictions\u201d on the right to free speech should not be unreasonable or used to trample on citizens’ rights.<\/p>\n
Towards equity<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite strides made in gender equity over the decades, India’s ranking<\/a><\/span> in the World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Gender Gap Report slipped another two places to 129 out of 146 countries, and is now the third-lowest in South Asia. Its media also reflects this imbalance. Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern. A survey<\/a><\/span> released in August 2024, revealed that over 60 per cent of women journalists were discriminated against at work based on their gender identity.<\/p>\nLikewise, India’s diverse ethnic and linguistic landscape is still not adequately reflected in its media, and regional languages are often overlooked in favour of Hindi and English, further limiting access to information. The representation of marginalised communities in the newsroom remains abysmal.<\/strong><\/p>\nWomen journalists in the Maldives faced harassment on the job, most of it online. At an Internet Governance Forum in October 2024, journalists spoke about harassment reaching their families and some said they were avoiding investigative journalism as a result. The response by social media platforms is less than ideal, pointing to a need to localise interventions, for example, teaming up with Meta and X to improve hate speech detection in the national language, Dhivehi, to enable journalists to push back against online harassment.<\/p>\n
The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) made history by electing a woman journalist, Nirmala Sharma, as its chairperson for the first time in its seven-decade-long existence. With nearly 30 years of experience in the print and electronic media in Nepal, Sharma\u2019s election comes after consistent capacity building and leadership training interventions by the women\u2019s councils of the FNJ.<\/p>\n
A major gender mapping project across five regions of Pakistan by the Women\u2019s Media Forum Pakistan (WMFP) and supported by the IFJ in early 2025 revealed stark disparities, with representation as low as 3 per cent and stressed the need for intervention to increase gender equity. Globally women comprise only 24 per cent of news content, with Pakistan\u2019s representation even lower at 11 per cent. Participants advocated for reforms including equitable inclusion and a broader movement for gender parity within the Pakistani media.<\/p>\n
The representation of women journalists\u2019 unions and press clubs in Pakistan\u2019s ten largest cities was abysmally low, according to a study conducted by the Women Journalists Association and Freedom Network in early 2025. Only two press clubs (Lahore and Islamabad) reported slightly more than ten per cent share of women in their member rolls. The inclusion of women in the federal union however saw some improvement, with four women leaders elected to the new Federal Executive Council of the PFUJ.<\/p>\n
In January 2025, journalist Asma Sherazi fought back against the harassment directed at her and other women journalists, declaring \u201cenough is enough\u201d. A petition from the Digital Rights Foundation, calling for an end to the systematic harassment of orchestrated attacks against media professionals by political factions and their supporters was met with widespread support among the media.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Journalists in the Kashmir Valley continued to be subjected to interrogation, harassment and unlawful detention by intelligence agencies. A Kashmiri journalist films as Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, speaks during a press conference in Srinagar on January 2, 2025. Credit: Firdous Nazir \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Who owns the media?<\/strong><\/h3>\nA free press is critically linked to media ownership, and every government attempts to institutionalise its support of its cronies, in return for a media that follows the official narrative.<\/p>\n
In Bangladesh, industrialists and politicians who were bestowed media licenses by the previous government still remain loyal to Sheikh Hasina\u2019s regime. This proximity of business interests of media owners with the government has long been a barrier to independent journalism. However, a new Media Reform Policy of 2025 drafted by the country\u2019s interim government is finally set to address this issue. Just how impactful the policy can be remains to be seen in a country where media freedom has been stymied for so long.<\/p>\n
The draft Media Transparency (And Accountability) Bill, 2024 in India is aimed at increasing transparency in ownership with the emergence of media monopolies; financial coercion through the misuse of the power to allocate government advertisements; and coercive actions against journalists by State and non-State actors. The bill is likely to be presented as a private member\u2019s bill in Parliament. A report by the Press Council of India\u2019s sub-committee on \u201cAdvertisements for print media\u201d in September 2024 recommended that allocation be made proportional to their circulation and other qualitative parameters.<\/p>\n
The 42 news outlets are unable to sustain themselves through private sector advertisements alone, leading to a worrying dependence on politicians, businessmen and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that is fraught with favouritism and lacks transparency. Moreover, financial dependence on SOEs has gone hand in hand with manipulation and leverage, shaping news reportage in unhealthy ways. In February 2025, Moosa Rasheed, a senior journalist at Mihaaru, the leading local newspaper, resigned in protest over alleged government influence.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, government-issued advertisements continue to be a major revenue source for the media. The government reportedly allocated PKR 16 billion (USD 58.2m) in advertisements over the past five years.<\/p>\n
The decisions by the newly-elected Trump administration to dismantle the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) has had serious consequences for media in Afghanistan, leading to reduced funding for organisations such as Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty (RFE\/RL). These outlets have long provided independent news coverage to Afghanistan, and their funding cuts could weaken access to reliable information in the country.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media. The Social and Cultural Affairs Committee is also tasked with reviewing media legislation and policies, assessing the impact of government interventions, and evaluating public perceptions of freedom and transparency. Its report is expected by May 3, 2025.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”7d273a9b-b3cd-4896-8734-4f1ffd2f6b4e” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n.jpg” title_text=”486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Aligning with the country\u2019s shifting media landscape, the Journalists Association of Bhutan held workshops on how to pitch stories related to climate change in Thimphu on March 24, 2025. Credit: JAB<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”4px||9px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_margin=”1px|||||” custom_padding=”||1px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Standing together<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite the clampdowns within borders, innovative occupation of the airwaves ensures that a few critical voices are making themselves heard. Afghan journalists in exiled media outlets such as Radio Azadi<\/em>, Afghanistan International<\/em>, Etilaatroz, Zan Times<\/em>, and Hasht-e-Subh<\/em>, remain critical of the Taliban regime.<\/p>\nBangladeshi media in exile such as the Sweden-based Netra News, and Zulkarnain Saer Khan, a London-based investigative journalist in exile, have managed to expose abuse of power, rights violations and corruptions by leaders of Hasina\u2019s party and civil and military officials associated with her government through his social media platforms.<\/p>\n
In November 2024, journalist bodies in the Maldives mobilised around concerns related to media regulation, opposing the move to merge the media council and broadcasting commission through Maldives Media and Broadcasting Commission Bill or grounds that the would erode the self-regulatory aspect. The proposed legislation was dubbed the \u2018Media Control Bill\u2019 and a campaign, an exhibition of people\u2019s power, with the slogan \u2018Hatharehge Hagguugai\u2019 asserting citizen power. Political will, not laws alone can enable the media to evolve with professionalism and independence.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, the merger of the state-owned Nepal Television and Radio Nepal into the National Public Service Broadcasting Agency was welcomed, since this reform has been a decades-long demand. Former FNJ president Mahendra Bista was appointed as the first chairperson of the new entity.<\/p>\n
Policy changes backed by financial investment proved to be of immense support to Pakistan\u2019s media community working in some of the most challenging environments in the region. The provincial governments of Balochistan, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa put down enhanced amounts to journalists\u2019 welfare funds and to develop press clubs in the province \u2013 crucial hubs for the media community.<\/p>\n
These concrete steps towards enhancing journalists\u2019 rights stand as an example of multi-stakeholder action and vigorous solidarity in the journalist community.<\/p>\n
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Click here to download pdf of Overview and Special Reports<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Feature Section” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#e5e5e5″ module_alignment=”center” min_height=”238px” height=”331px” max_height=”486px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|-3px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” top_divider_style=”arrow2″ top_divider_color=”#FFFFFF” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”1_3,1_3,1_3″ admin_label=”Stats” _builder_version=”4.16″ width=”77.3%” custom_padding=”115px||||false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Media Rights Violations” number=”250″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#999999″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” hover_enabled=”0″ global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_enabled=”0″][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Jailed or Detained” number=”69″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#E09900″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Killings” number=”20″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#FF0000″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNOverviewA Turbulent Year South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"\r\n
[et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" fullwidth=\"on\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\"][et_pb_fullwidth_slider admin_label=\"Fullwidth Slider\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"50px\" header_letter_spacing=\"7px\" background_image=\"http:\/\/x7t.a3b.myftpupload.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_position=\"center\" module_alignment=\"center\" min_height=\"590px\" animation_style=\"fade\" auto=\"on\"][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_93J7LL-Dissolution-of-parliament-Nepal-protest-Prakash-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_92U7LM-Mock-funeral-for-sexual-assaults-PRAKASH-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_94J2MF-Tashnuva-Anan-Shishir-Bangladesh-transgender-news-host-Munir-Uz-zaman-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/BANG_000_93Z8WT-Bangladesh-protest-Mushtaq-Ahmed-Munir-death-in-custody-UZ-ZAMAN-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/Maldives\/A-Covid-19-press-briefing-by-President-Solih-on-June-23-Credit-President_s-Office-2-scaled.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/AFG000_94J2MK-International-womens-day-Afghanistan-WAKIL-KOHSAR-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/LAW_000_8Z94D9-Afghan-President-Ashraf-Ghani-arrives-in-Herat-January-2021-HOSHANG-HASHIMI-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" min_height=\"1286.7px\" custom_margin=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\"][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" min_height=\"131px\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"57px|||||\" border_style_all=\"none\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" min_height=\"65px\" border_width_bottom=\"5px\" border_style_bottom=\"solid\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]Overview<\/strong><\/h2>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=\"1_4\" admin_label=\"quote\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" animation_style=\"fade\"][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"3px|||||\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" width=\"97.3%\" min_height=\"1217px\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]<\/h1>\r\nPandemic, the Press and the New Digital Order<\/h3>\r\n
As the second wave of the Covid pandemic surged across South Asia in early 2021, journalists found themselves in the thick of the storm, without a safety net and scant institutional support. Battling not only the deadly virus, they mounted stiff resistance to states trying to control the narrative and plaster over the horrific reality. Journalists breaking stories of rising deaths, collapsing health systems and unpreparedness and mismanagement at the highest levels of government were silenced, hounded, arrested and penalised.<\/p>\r\n
Even as journalists also mourned the loss of their colleagues and family members, they continued to work in the most challenging circumstances to publicise the truth. They reported from the frontlines without adequate protective equipment, exposing themselves to infection to tell stories of the suffering in hospitals, in graveyards and crematoria. Many fell ill, many others continue to suffer from the long-term impacts of the Covid syndrome. Hundreds of others succumbed, unsung heroic storytellers of the apocalypse that engulfed them.<\/p>\r\n
To many others continued to tell one of the biggest stories of our times, while also enduring salary cuts and delays in wage payments, denial of protective personal equipment, medical insurance or reimbursement of massive medical bills to treat Covid contracted in the line of duty. Huge numbers of media workers were also rendered jobless or forced to resign in the wake of economic impacts of Covid-19. reeling under arrests and cases of sedition and terror, unrelenting trolling and abuse online, they wrote on. Some wrote on, even without a job or payment.<\/p>\r\n
Charges of \u201canti-national\u201d, \u201cagainst national security\u201d were widely used to curb dissent through archaic laws of sedition and colonial era laws of epidemic control. With courts admitting petitions challenging the constitutionality of some of these laws, there is reason to hope for change.<\/p>\r\n
The raging pandemic, accompanying lockdowns and economic crises were only piled on to existing barriers that the region\u2019s journalists already faced. Physical attacks and intimidation, lack of access to information, control and censorship; sharpened ethnic and religious cleavages; legal repercussions for their stories and an overall precarity of the media. Impunity for crimes against journalists continued, despite small gains. Yet, journalists bore witness and told the stories that needed to be told, with professional integrity, compassion and deep humanity.<\/p>\r\n
Regional trends<\/h3>\r\nTightening regulation and digital controls<\/h4>\r\n
Controlling the flow of information seemed to be an overriding preoccupation of governments across the region. From reigning in the burgeoning independent digital media and clamping down on critical voices on social media, governments and social media platforms fell short of upholding freedom of expression at a critical juncture.<\/p>\r\n
At a time when the free flow of information was literally a matter of life and death, governments intolerant of critical questions, tended to use the pandemic as a pretext to curb information, and any opinion that was deemed \u201canti-government\u201d. Social media presented a particular anxiety for governments trying to curb dissent, and unfortunately, social media giants did not adequately protect citizen\u2019s right to free speech, instead complying with unreasonable takedown notices from governments.<\/p>\r\n
Pakistan<\/strong> suffered under the harshest clampdown on dissent by any government. Media rights and freedom of expression took a severe beating, with the government seemingly leaping at the opportunity to deprive the media of both freedom and funds, driving an already beleaguered media industry into deeper crisis.\u00a0 The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) which criminalises free speech and gives overarching powers to law enforcement authorities, was overused in Pakistan to clamp down on free speech. The media, political opponents, activists and members of the public found the boundaries of free speech indiscriminately scrunched in violation of constitutional guarantees.<\/p>\r\nArbitrary blocking of independent websites, internet and communication shutdowns were regularly deployed to censor the media. This inevitably led to the proliferation of misinformation \u2013 which Pakistan could ill-afford in the midst of not only the pandemic, but civil strife and political upheaval.\u00a0 Cutting off connectivity in politically sensitive areas in an attempt to censor news had other adverse effects during the lockdown, mainly on health and education.<\/p>\r\n
In Bangladesh<\/strong>, it took the tragic custodial death in February 2021, of writer Mushtaq Ahmed incarcerated for ten months and repeatedly denied bail, to once more shine the spotlight on the draconian Digital Security Act (DSA) which has been widely used against journalists, bloggers and citizens to penalise free speech and critical opinion. The lone Cyber Crimes Tribunal, reeling under a staggering pending case load can barely manage due process in hearing cases, leave aside render justice.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, besides the time-honoured tactic of internet shutdowns to cut communications, the newly promulgated Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 gave the government the power to censor, order takedowns and block content without any recourse to appeal. Independent digital platforms termed the rules not just unconstitutional, but a blow to democracy itself, and have challenged this attempt at over-regulation in the highest court in the country. In addition to its attempt to control independent digital media, fast emerging as major players in the media landscape, the Indian government came down strongly on social media expression deemed to be critical of the government\u2019s handling of the pandemic. In the same vein, the new media Policy in Jammu and Kashmir (downgraded from state to centrally administered union territory in April 2019), issued in June 2020, was immediately viewed with disquiet by journalists, given that it empowers government officers to take action on \u201cfake news\u201d or \u201canti-national content\u201d.<\/p>\r\nAllegations of misinformation and rumour mongering were thrown at journalists and even citizens exposing the horrific ground reality of acute shortage of medical supplies, oxygen, overflowing hospitals and crematoria. Significantly, while content critical of the government was taken down, virulent hate speech against minorities and misogynist speech online thrived in India. Social media platforms Twitter and Facebook too succumbed to takedown requests by the government, failing to stand up for free speech.<\/p>\r\n
Across the region, governments displayed a remarkable disrespect towards the media, and took steps to increase regulation. In Nepal<\/strong>, the government moved ahead with tougher bills and regulations such as the Media Council Bill, the Public Service Broadcasting Bill, the Information Technology Bill, and the Special Service Bill \u2013 all of which have clauses that could undermine press freedom. The clampdown on social media has been proposed on pretexts of the \u201ccountry\u2019s sovereignty, security, unity or harmony\u201d. The Media Council Bill could erode the autonomy of the media, with government-appointed regulators, a provision that has been vehemently opposed by media rights organisations.<\/p>\r\nThe international norm of self-regulation by media was also violated in Sri Lanka<\/strong>, where in January 2021, the Cabinet of Ministers proposed to amend the Press Council Law to include electronic and new media and approved a proposal to \u2018structurally reform and reorganise\u2019 the Press Council to cover electronic and new media. The move was criticised by the Professional Web Journalists' Association which argued that the electronic and new media should be not controlled, but self-regulated with a stringent code of ethics developed by the media community itself.<\/p>\r\nLivelihood in peril<\/h4>\r\n
The pandemic year was also witness to dramatic loss of jobs in the media, across the region. Over 8,000 of Pakistan\u2019s<\/strong> estimated 20,000 journalists <\/span>lost their jobs in 2020<\/a> alone, and rural and district staff were more likely to be retrenched.<\/span><\/p>\r\nJournalists, mainly through the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), remained up in arms for most of the year and in early 2021 launched an \u201cenough is enough\u201d campaign across the country to protest job losses, pay cuts, censorship and rising intimidation. The media industry found new external supporters, including the legal community and civil society in institutional and organised partnerships with PFUJ to jointly resist the rising attacks on media freedoms, journalists\u2019 rights and public interest journalism in Pakistan.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, which saw a series of retrenchments from March 2020 onwards, there are no clear numbers of the job losses or salary cuts. <\/span>Estimates<\/a> put the figures in the thousands. Besides layoffs, salary cuts and delays in payments, media houses also threatened to sack staff if they wanted to work from home. The obstinacy of many managements led to staff in some media houses getting infected with the coronavirus en masse. Journalists from the regional press were harder hit, with fewer paying options than their English media counterparts. <\/span><\/p>\r\n\u00a0<\/span>The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) took up more than 500 complaints relating to job loss and non-payment of salary in Nepal<\/strong>. A survey conducted by the <\/span>FNJ in September 2020, revealed the desperate state of Nepal\u2019s journalists: the earning of 40 percent of journalists was affected by the pandemic and the nationwide lockdowns and women journalists were more severely impacted. Several media houses in Kathmandu suspended publications, cut down broadcast hours and decreased the size of the newspapers. The revenue of 75 percent of the once vibrant radio sector decreased due to the pandemic.<\/p>\r\nThe story was no different in Bangladesh<\/strong> where an estimated 1,250 journalists lost their jobs and several thousand faced salary cuts or irregular payments. While media owners blamed the pandemic for the drop in revenue and resultant salary cuts, trade unionists say that irregular payments were a norm of a section of media houses which then grasped at the pandemic as a justification to deny journalists their rights.<\/p>\r\nThe pandemic crisis however, only added to existing pressures that journalists across the region face. A major threat being the increasing polarisation on communal lines.<\/span><\/p>\r\nRising Extremism<\/h4>\r\n
South Asia has ravaged by religious, ethnic and caste divides for decades, but the growing cleavages of the last few years have been unprecedented. With hyper-nationalist parties in power in many countries in the region drawing votes and support from religiously aligned groups, the polity too has been sharply divided. Minorities in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have been particularly vulnerable, in this context of majoritarian politics. These divisions have inevitably affected the media. While some sections have added to the problem by exacerbating divisions and amplifying hate, others have had to struggle to remain independent.<\/p>\r\n
Existing fault lines were exacerbated by external situations that are likely to impact the whole region. The proposed withdrawal of US-NATO troops from Afghanistan by the coming September is feared to increase the Taliban's influence in Afghanistan<\/strong>, a development that could have a ripple effect in the region in terms of encouraging radicalism. Hard worn democratic and secular gains could be pushed back, with a direct impact on the media and individual journalists. Likewise, growing communalism in India<\/strong>, encouraged by the government in power, has a dangerous spill over effect in the neighbourhood, contributing to more polarisation and the strengthening of extremist groups. The media cannot be immune from attack, even as it attempts to uphold constitutional values, and the rights of women, minorities and the marginalised.<\/p>\r\nReligion in the Maldives<\/strong> is a no-go topic in public discourse, and the fear of being labelled anti-Islam contributes to the journalists practicing self-censorship of forgoing bylines while reporting on extremism in the country. As part of official control, the Communications Authority of Maldives blocks websites with anti-Islamic content upon request by ministries and other agencies. Though social media use is growing, intimidation and deaths threats pose the greatest challenge for free expression online. The yet unsolved murders of journalist Ahmed Rilwan and blogger Yameen Rashid known for their vocal criticism of religious fundamentalism are grim reminders of the risks of speaking out for religious freedom or minority rights. In its World Report 2021, Human Rights Watch accused the government of failing to confront the influence of hard-line Islamist groups. \u201cOnline intimidation of human rights groups continued to have a chilling effect on civil society in 2020,\u201d and reiterated calls to tackle hate speech and violence online.<\/p>\r\nThe state response to tackling religious extremism however, often has serious implications for freedom of expression and civil rights. In Sri<\/strong> Lanka<\/strong>, the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalisation from Holding Violent Extremist Religious Ideology) Regulations were issued in march 2021, expanding on the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). Powers given to authorities to detain and \u2018rehabilitate\u2019 anyone who \u2018by words either spoken or intended to be read or by signs or by visible representations\u2019 causes the commission of violence or \u2018religious, racial or communal disharmony or feelings of ill will or hostility between different communities or racial or religious groups\u2019 is prone to misuse, fear activists. The spate of arrests in cases of hate speech, mostly of Tamil and Muslim minorities further reinforces this apprehension of selective use of power by law enforcement agencies.<\/p>\r\nWomen journalists in the firing line<\/h4>\r\n
The rampant vitriol and violence online were particularly targeted at women journalists in the region. Pakistani<\/strong> women journalists had a rough year, facing unrelenting abuse by organised troll armies, many backed by members of the ruling party, prompting them to release a petition taking the government to account. Similar was the case across the border in India<\/strong>, where online abuse took a heavy toll in an already stressful year of the pandemic. Sexist abuse, misogyny and spillover of online to offline stalking and violence became the price that women journalists paid for speaking out.<\/span><\/p>\r\nThe marginalised existence of women journalists in South Asia\u2019s media community is itself one of the factors contributing to precarity. A report released in early 2020 by the South Asia Women\u2019s Network, showed that women accounted for only 29 per cent of staff in Maldives<\/strong> media organisations. Only five per cent leadership roles were occupied by women. Paradoxically, the enrolment of women in journalism courses in the Maldives was higher than men at 3:1. This data begs the question: where do these professional women vanish? The answer probably lies in another finding of the study: women face immense discrimination, harassment and bullying at the workplace.<\/p>\r\nNepali<\/strong> women journalists too faced character assassination, body shaming, speculation about sexual links with prominent men, with women journalists from marginalised communities such as Madhesi and Dalit are more intensive attack. Women journalists fought back, and refused to be silenced, speedily blocking abusers, reporting them and also using aliases to move forward and express themselves online.<\/p>\r\nPatchy access to information<\/h4>\r\n
Almost all countries in South Asia sought to tighten controls over access to information, denying journalists a basic tool for accurate reporting. In Afghanistan<\/strong>, despite an Access to Information Law passed in 2014 and amended in 2018, there are barriers to information access. The setting up of an independent Information Access Commission with 65 government-level departments to assist in the transfer of information from government offices to the media, is potentially a step towards easing access. However, implementation remains a question, given other moves that restrict access, for example the 2020 restrictions authorising only governors to share information with the media, thus creating huge bottlenecks. Moreover, with the imminent withdrawal of the US-NATO troops in the coming year, the barriers to accessing information regarding the opaque agencies of security, justice and peace will undoubtedly impact credible reporting at this crucial juncture.<\/p>\r\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, access to information is still wrapped up in red-tape and complicated bureaucratic procedure in a hierarchical set up, necessitating permissions to record videos or take a photo. Besides media persons, researchers and scholars in Bhutan are also coming up against the same obstacles. Free speech and expression as well as pursuit of research are thus impeded by official barriers.<\/p>\r\nDespite the passage of the Right to Information Act in the Maldives<\/strong> six years ago, a culture of secrecy persists and journalists are hard put to access information from certain state agencies. A survey by the Human Rights Commission of Maldives released in December 2020 showed that a majority of people were dissatisfied with access to official information and only 36 percent found the right to information law to have been helpful.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, the repercussions of the 2019 amendments to the once robust Right to Information Act could be seen during the pandemic when access to information was vital \u2013 access to data on funds, vaccine roll out and health infrastructure was repeatedly blocked by official agencies and the Central Information Commission did little to enable the flow of critical information.<\/p>\r\nLikewise, Sri Lanka<\/strong> too witnessed the dilution of its Right to Information Commission, which could affect its independent functioning.<\/p>\r\nWelcome pushback<\/h4>\r\n
\u00a0<\/em><\/strong>Despite the relentless battles on several fronts, while struggling to stay afloat, South Asian journalists valiantly put up a resistance to the onslaught on media rights in all countries of the region. Challenges in court, mobilising and collective action despite the restrictions in mobility and the overwhelming public health crisis, were evidence of a spirited defiance.<\/p>\r\nThe attempt to control the digital space by governments in several countries in the region was met with a heartening push back. In Pakistan,<\/strong> independent online journalism platforms together formed the Digital Media Alliance of Pakistan (DigiMAP<\/a>) to challenge and resist the state\u2019s increasing authoritarianism on national dialogues initiated by grassroots communities. DigiMAP represents the emerging bold new ecosystem of independent media start-ups that have taken it upon themselves to champion the cause of public interest journalism that the legacy media has been forced to surrender before an increasingly hostile state. DigiMAP also put out a strong statement<\/a> against the new digital regulations.<\/p>\r\nDespite the burgeoning digital media in India<\/strong> and its vital role in promoting independent journalism, there was until now no single body representing the digital news media. Eleven digital media organisations came together in October 2020 to launch the DIGIPUB News India Foundation \u201cto represent, amplify and evolve best practices to build a robust digital news ecology that is truly world-class, independent and upholds the highest standards of journalism,\u201d One of its first actions was to challenge the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 in court, as an infringement of freedom of expression.<\/p>\r\n
[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250204__36X44MW__v1__Preview__IndiaBhutanReligionFestivalKumbh.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=”FRONTLINE DEMOCRACY” use_bg_overlay=”on” bg_overlay_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.24)” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”58px” header_letter_spacing=”4px” body_font_size=”30px” background_color=”#FFFFFF” background_enable_color=”on” background_image=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” background_enable_image=”on” global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_transition=”on”]<\/p>\n
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Section” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”554.9px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”131px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”57px|||||” border_style_all=”none” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” min_height=”65px” border_width_bottom=”5px” border_style_bottom=”solid” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Overview<\/strong><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A Turbulent Year<\/h3>\n
South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens were among those leading phenomenal pushbacks against entrenched authoritarian regimes, voting out incumbent governments and expressing unified dissatisfaction with misgovernance, corruption and overreach. Amid the upheaval, the media played a critical role in amplifying people\u2019s aspirations and speaking truth to the powerful.<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh<\/strong>, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule. Hopes are now pinned on the country\u2019s new Chief Adviser Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to help rebuild state institutions, revive the economy, restore human rights and press freedom and combat the deeply entrenched communal polarisation and a newly emboldened right-wing.\u00a0<\/p>\nIn Sri Lanka<\/strong>, the natural next step on from the people\u2019s movement of 2022 came with a major political shift achieved through the ballot in the September 2024 presidential election. The victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, of the left of centre National People’s Power (NPP) or Jathika Jana Balawegaya, followed by the party\u2019s definitive victory in November\u2019s parliamentary elections signified a departure from the country\u2019s deep-rooted dynastic rule under the Rajapaksa family, characterised by authoritarianism, corruption and economic chaos. The new president, known widely as AKD, has cast himself as a disruptor to the status quo for his anti-corruption platform and pro-poor policies in the wake of the country\u2019s worst ever economic crisis, which is still having an impact on millions.<\/p>\nIn Pakistan<\/strong>, political instability and intervention by the military apparatus in virtually every area of public space, was clearly evident during and following the national election in February 2024. Fraught with political repression and violence, the national elections were heavily tainted by allegations of rigging, voter suppression and technicalities that resulted in the deregistering of one major political party. When a post-election alliance brought to power two dynastic parties that had won fewer seats individually, the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) took to the streets in months-long, and often violent agitations that left many dead and injured. Ranked at 124, Pakistan\u2019s democracy ranking fell by six spots in the year to be listed among the top 10 worst performers in the Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit released in February 2025. The Democratic Index now firmly terms Pakistan as no longer a democracy, but an authoritarian regime.<\/p>\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, a quiet but firm political upheaval resulted in the country decisively voting out the incumbent government and choosing to unequivocally place faith in one of the country\u2019s oldest political parties, the 18-year-old People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The role of the media in voter literacy in a country where about half the population is under 25 years old, cannot be underestimated.<\/p>\nThe atoll nation of the Maldives<\/strong> saw a peaceful transfer of power via the ballot, with the parliamentary elections of April 2024 again ushering in a government of the ruling People\u2019s National Congress with a thumping majority. While the electorate\u2019s message was in favour of stability, a weakened opposition has raised concerns about arming the new president, Mohamed Muizzu, with both executive and legislative control. Unchecked power has never boded well for freedom of the press, particularly in the case of the Maldives.<\/p>\nThe Indian<\/strong> electorate returned the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power with a reduced majority. But hopes that the diminished numbers would temper aggressive and non-consultative policies have not been upheld.<\/p>\nInstability and shifting coalition dynamics marked Nepal\u2019s<\/strong> political scene in the past year. A fragmented parliament with no clear winners after the election in January 2024 ultimately led to KP Sharma Oli, forming a coalition government with the centrist Nepali Congress in July 2024. It marks his fourth tenure as the country\u2019s prime minister. But fragile alliances and ongoing political instability in the country, including a resurgence of a pro-monarchy movement, have so far plagued attempts at legislative action, including long awaited amendments to policies and laws related to the media.<\/p>\nAmid the hope engendered by political change in its neighbourhood, Afghanistan\u2019s<\/strong> media faced yet another year of plummeting press freedom with the country now sitting just two places from the bottom of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index. Hard fought achievements over recent decades on access to information, media funding and viability, as well as gender equity and plurality are now all but erased. Yet Afghan journalists continued to cling tenaciously to hope, endeavouring to operate within a media landscape of heightened restrictions, especially for women.<\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”zoom” scroll_fade_enable=”on” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule.\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240806__36AG8JF__v2__Preview__TopshotIndiaBangladeshUnrestStudents.jpg” title_text=”INDIA-BANGLADESH-UNREST-STUDENTS” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The ousting of iron-fisted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh had ripple effects across the region and strained ties with neighbouring India. Hindus make up almost ten per cent of Bangladesh’s 174 million people. After the embattled leader fled to India, the post-Hasina power vacuum also led to increased violence against members of the Hindu minority community. A vendor hangs a newspaper along a roadside in Hyderabad, India, on August 6, 2024. Credit: Noah Seelam \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||17px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Unfree digiverse <\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, the digital space continued to offer immense opportunities to expose corruption and human rights violations and challenge mainstream and official narratives. Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. The problem remains, however, with maintaining professional standards and editorial verification processes.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, the passage in January 2025 of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act (PECA) was met with vehement protests, hunger strikes and demonstrations across the country. Ostensibly created to combat \u2018fake news\u2019, the law has been termed \u201cdraconian\u201d and an assault on free speech. Amended provisions to allow third-party legal entities to lodge complaints with the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), raised concerns about suppression of dissent.<\/p>\n
In February 2025, during her visit to Pakistan, IFJ president, Dominique Pradalie, joined union leaders in a protest march in Islamabad against the controversial amendments to the PECA Act, urging Pakistani authorities to uphold freedom of expression, and repeal the PECA Act.<\/p>\n
India globally ranks second after China in terms of internet users, now estimated at more than 806 million individuals. With social media user<\/a><\/span> penetration at 34 per cent, the elections to parliament and several state assemblies in 2024 presented an opportunity for social media to fill gaps that mainstream media seemed hesitant to cover. The massive surge in digital advertising spending testified to the role of social media marketing, with the total election budget for political parties collectively reaching INR 13,000 crore (approximately USD 1.5 billion) across various media platforms. The ruling BJP had the most prominent online presence, using social media and artificial intelligence (AI) driven tools, influencers and even paid trolls to target opponents, human rights activists and journalists. But other parties are fast catching up. These new avenues for dissent were also spaces that strongly peddled misinformation.<\/p>\nThe Global Risks Report<\/a><\/span> 2024, released by the World Economic Forum, currently ranks misinformation and disinformation as the number one risk now facing the world. Distorted and manipulated information, which has become increasingly easier with AI enabled tools, will continue to have far reaching impacts, it warns.<\/p>\nReflecting the global trend, alarmingly though not unexpectedly, social media platforms in India were also used to spew hate and polarise communities. A report<\/a><\/span> \u2018Social Media and Hate Speech in India\u2019 of the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate (CSOH) identified Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, Telegram, and X (formerly Twitter) as key drivers enabling, amplifying, and mainstreaming hate speech and extremist ideologies, spreading Hindu nationalist ideology and anti-minority rhetoric.\u00a0<\/p>\nGovernment overreach and control was visible in the number of takedowns of YouTube – the highest<\/a><\/span> globally over the last three months of 2024, for ostensibly violating \u201ccommunity guidelines\u201d. \u2018Sahayog\u2019, a portal launched in March 2025 to facilitate co-ordinated action on cybercrime, has come in for criticism by some of the major platforms. Elon Musk, owner of social media platform X has termed it a tool of censorship and refused to join the portal.<\/p>\nIn another small pushback, on September 20, 2024, the Bombay High Court struck down the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2023, which allowed the Central Government to form a Fact-Check Unit to identify online content regarding government business as \u201cfake, false, or misleading\u201d.<\/p>\n
Internet shutdowns continue to be another way of turning off the switch on information sharing that is unpalatable to governments. According to digital rights advocacy group Access Now, for the first time since 2018, India with a total of 84 internet shutdowns in 2024 was not ranked first in internet shutdown orders, following Myanmar this year with 85 shutdowns. Shutdowns were done on various pretexts: communal conflict, protests and instability, to prevent cheating in exams, and elections, with Manipur and Kashmir facing the highest number of shutdowns.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan\u2019s elections there was a significant shift toward social media for campaigning, alongside traditional rallies and meetings. But the proliferation and ease of dissemination came with attendant problems of extreme polarisation, trolling and abuse. Disinformation and deepfakes muddied the waters and invited typical government responses of bans and suspensions of platforms and slowing down internet services.<\/p>\n
During the Sri Lankan parliamentary and presidential elections in 2024, digital platforms became vehicles for misinformation and online abuse, with the Election Commission as well as tech giants standing by helplessly. Women candidates were exposed to malicious social media attacks, undermining their right to public office.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. <\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Amendments to Pakistan\u2019s Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) were met with nationwide protests by journalists and freedom of expression activists. The PECA law presents a clear battleground for the media with the amendments effectively criminalising online disinformation. Leaders and activists of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists protest in Karachi on January 31, 2025. Credit: Rizwan Tabassum \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Is AI the future?<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe rapid entry of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in newsrooms in South Asia has forced a hasty appraisal of its possibilities and challenges. \u2018<\/em>Media Metamorphosis: AI and Bangladeshi Newsrooms 2024\u2019, a study conducted by the Media Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) found that, while 51 per cent of journalists have utilised AI tools, only 20 per cent of news organisations have institutionalised its use. ChatGPT was the most popular tool, accounting for 78 per cent of all usage.<\/p>\nWhile the impact of AI in Indian newsrooms has yet to be studied systematically, there is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/p>\n
AI may not have taken off yet in Sri Lankan newsrooms, but in May 2024, state broadcaster Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) made history by using two AI versions of Chaminda Gunarathne and Nishadi Bandaranayake, two of SLRC\u2019s most popular news anchors,\u00a0taking a significant step in the use of AI tech in Sinhala language newscasting<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\nNewsrooms in Pakistan are increasingly using AI to enhance professionalism, but the impact of this transition on jobs and the media economy has yet to be systematically studied. The first country in South Asia to introduce a policy and legal framework to promote ethical and responsible use of AI is Pakistan. The country\u2019s Ministry of Information Technology and Telecommunications released a draft National AI Policy in May 2023, while the Senate introduced the “Regulation of Artificial Intelligence Act 2024,” to regulate AI, mitigate associated risks, and penalise violations.<\/p>\n
But even as governments and other stakeholders in South Asia confront the challenges of AI, make policies and draw up legal guidelines, one thing is clear: any regulatory framework must be undergirded by the ethics and morality of social justice and be strongly informed by the media sector as a key stakeholder.<\/p>\n
A deathly toll<\/strong><\/h3>\nReporting on the people\u2019s uprising in Bangladesh came with a heavy price. Security forces shot dead four journalists and one was hacked to death by anti-government protesters in the three weeks of mass uprising in July 2024.<\/p>\n
Pakistan bore witness to the most violent year for journalists in the country in two decades with eight journalists killed in the period under review. Most were shot by unidentified assailants, and one was caught in sectarian crossfire while reporting. The rapid declines in journalist safety and the high death toll once again places Pakistan as the deadliest country in Asia-Pacific for media workers.<\/p>\n
The horrific murder of Mukesh Chandrakar in Bastar in Central India illustrated the hazards of reporting from conflict zones and exposing corruption. Abducted, murdered and buried in a septic tank, his body was discovered on January 2, 2025.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, cameraperson Suresh Rajak of Avenues Television was burnt to death on March 28, 2025, while reporting atop a building in Kathmandu set alight by protestors during a violent pro-monarchy demonstration. The case once more underlined the real and present dangers for media workers on the frontline of political protests and civil unrest.<\/p>\n
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There is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”749.8px” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” title_text=”240808 Rilwan” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” background_color=”RGBA(0,0,0,0)” min_height=”529px” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Repeated investigative failures continue to deny justice for Maldivian blogger and journalist Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, who was forcibly disappeared by extremists on August 8, 2014. On the tenth anniversary of his abduction and murder, the Maldives Journalist Association (MJA) called for justice and a public enquiry. Impunity for the crime has prompted continued self- censorship in the media. Credit: MJA<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Righting wrongs<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe mighty task of tackling ever increasing levels of impunity for crimes against journalists and media workers has so far eluded most governments of South Asia. Even in the stronger democracies, a failure to bring such perpetrators to justice is a blight that continues to plague the region.<\/p>\n
The interim government in Bangladesh is now confronted by the expansive debris of human rights violations left by Sheikh Hasina\u2019s government. A 2025 report<\/a><\/span> by the UN Human Rights Office estimates the number of deaths during the uprising at around 1,400 \u2013 around 13 per cent of them children \u2013 and thousands more injured between July 15 and August 5, 2024. A significant majority was shot by security forces.\u00a0The report pointed to a media blackout enforced by the intelligence and security agencies through fear and intimidation to supress news of the brutalities on the ground. \u201cThere are reasonable grounds to believe hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture, were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the political leadership and senior security officials as part of a strategy to suppress the protests,\u201d it said.<\/p>\nIn August 2024, on the tenth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of blogger Ahmed Rilwan, human rights and press freedom groups called on the Maldives\u2019 new government to publicly disclose the long-demanded findings of a deaths and disappearances commission set up in 2019. The tardy prosecution in this pivotal case of key national interest has undoubtedly prompted continued self-censorship in the media regarding any matters that might be termed as anti-Islamic.<\/p>\n
Small steps were taken to tackle impunity in Nepal with the passage in August 2024 of an amendment to the Enforced Disappearance Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act. Nepal saw the killings of 23 journalists during its decade-long insurgency (1996-2006), and proper investigation and action against perpetrators is still awaited. However, the amendment is unlikely to provide adequate justice to the families of the killed journalists due to loopholes and inconsistency with international law. The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has currently rated the civic space in Nepal as \u2018obstructed\u2019 on account of continuing violations of civil rights including arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and the targeting of journalists.<\/p>\n
The struggle for justice for Sri Lankan cartoonist and journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda who was abducted and forcibly disappeared in 2010 continues. Likewise, 16 years on from his murder, justice continues to elude Lasantha Wickrematunge, the slain editor of The Sunday Leader<\/em>. Following public protests, Sri Lanka\u2019s Attorney General revoked his own recommendation to release three suspects linked to the journalist\u2019s murder. Among other long-running cases of killings and attacks documented during the war, criminal investigators finally arrested two ex-army intelligence personnel in connection with the abduction and torture of senior journalist Keith Noyahr in May 2008.<\/p>\nIn March 2025, the Sri Lankan government tabled the long-suppressed Batalanda Commission Report in Parliament, addressing alleged state-sponsored human rights violations, including illegal detentions and torture, during the 1988\u20131990 period of civil unrest. While the timing of the tabling of the report has been questioned, it allows hope that accountability for decades-old crimes may be fixed. The wheels of justice indeed turn slowly.<\/p>\n
The civil war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009, but its repercussions continue to be felt. Tamil journalists are still singled out for harassment by both state and non-state actors. Evidencing this, journalists from the North of the country presented<\/a><\/span> a memo in June 2024 to the UNHCR in Jaffna calling for a UN-led process to monitor violence against journalists in the country.\u00a0 Responding to government edicts prohibiting memorials to Tamil journalists and human rights defenders, in May 2024, Amnesty International issued a statement calling for justice for war victims and the right to mourn and to memorialisation. In northern Sri Lanka, the Mullaitivu Media Forum marked the 24th<\/sup> anniversary of the killing of senior Jaffna-based journalist Mylvaganam Nimalrajan, calling for an international investigation into crimes against journalists. It emphasised that the lack of closure perpetuated impunity and enabled perpetrators to continue without any fear of reprisals.<\/p>\nAttacking the messenger<\/strong><\/h3>\nSheikh Hasina\u2019s dramatic exit from Bangladesh further emboldened opposition-supported miscreants to target journalists, particularly in areas outside the capital, Dhaka. As many as 99 journalists were injured in 51 separate incidents through to March 2025, with 47 attacks outside of Dhaka, mostly by members of the Bangladesh National Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami.<\/p>\n
According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests. Anger over news coverage led mobs to go on a rampage against individual journalists. Press clubs, newspaper offices and television studios were also attacked, equipment destroyed, broadcasts halted, and staff intimidated. The full number of these attacks is not known.<\/p>\n
In Afghanistan, the AFJC<\/em> recorded at least 172 violations against journalists and media outlets for the year up to March 2025. Its reporting highlights a 24 per cent increase in media rights violations compared to the previous year and reflects the worsening conditions for journalists and media organisations, as restrictions on press freedom continue to tighten. Meanwhile, Afghan journalists who have fled to neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, continue to face legal uncertainties, financial struggles, persecution, legal harassment and professional isolation.<\/p>\nThe Federation of Nepali Journalists\u2019 (FNJ) monitoring mechanism recorded a total of 47 incidents of press freedom violations, including attacks, threats and harassment, both online and offline, by a range of perpetrators including government functionaries. The arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, chairperson and owner of two prominent national dailies, Kantipur and Kathmandu Post, and a radio and television station over issues related to his citizenship seemed a clear case of intimidation and retribution by the then-deputy prime minister, Rabi Lamichhane, who was unhappy over reporting about him.<\/p>\n
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According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][et_pb_divider show_divider=”off” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”25px” custom_margin=”||-1px|||” custom_padding=”||0px|0px||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_divider][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Bangladesh\u2019s journalists faced harassment, arrests, and heavy restrictions while covering national anti-government demonstrations in 2024. Students protesting near Dhaka University in Bangladesh\u2019s capital on August 12, 2024, demanded accountability and a trial for Bangladesh’s ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Credit: Luis Tato \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”7px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Narrative control<\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, governments attempted to shape public discourse through their hold and influence on the media and its owners.<\/p>\n
In Sri Lanka, the media was called out for supporting alleged divisive stands and openly promoting select candidates and amplifying these messages on social media. This invited a slate of take down notices from the Election Commission.<\/p>\n
The false promises of ensuring press freedom made by the Taliban when they took on the reins of power in Afghanistan in 2021 were quickly belied. News media in the country are, for the most part, forced to exist as a propaganda wing of the government, with independent journalism being all but crushed. Reports are closely monitored and rejected for non-compliance with the rules of the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, an agency set up in 1992 by the government under Burhanuddin Rabbani and now revived by the Taliban. Taboo subjects include women\u2019s rights, social justice and human rights.<\/p>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts. Bans include: criticism of Taliban officials, women\u2019s voices, filming and recording video interviews with local officials, broadcasting of images of living beings, including animals. Additionally, terminology such as \u2018martyr\u2019 is required to be used when reporting Taliban casualties.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s mainstream media continued to be reined in by repression or financial harassment via the foisting of legal cases or removing the non-profit status of some of its feistier media outlets. Control was also exercised through co-option and a system of rewards and incentives through advertisements. Analysis<\/a><\/span> by the BBC found that major news websites in the country published larger volumes of content mentioning the incumbent prime minister and his party, with editorials predicting his win. Attempting to legitimise sycophancy, the government of Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state in India, released the Digital Media Policy 2024 to not only regulate platforms with vague definitions of \u201canti-national\u201d content, but also to develop a retinue of paid influencers. The move was vehemently opposed by journalist bodies.<\/p>\nInternational correspondents in India faced ramped up efforts to control their reporting. Work permits of several foreign correspondents were cancelled on flimsy grounds, a move that was particularly suspect during election year.<\/p>\n
A report, Unveiling Public Trust in the Maldivian Media\u2019 released in May 2024 found that 87 per cent of respondents held the media accountable for political divisions in the country with television and internet news websites perceived to have the highest levels of sensational or biased coverage. This was a clear wake-up call for the media to regain public trust in the atoll nation.<\/p>\n
Information is power <\/strong><\/h3>\nAccess to information, one of the lodestones of credible journalism, has been steadily declining in various parts of the region.<\/p>\n
Afghanistan, once ranked number one of 130 countries in terms of access to information, has rapidly plummeted under the Taliban. With stringent controls over information, blocking requests, especially by women journalists, the rights once guaranteed by the Access to Information Law have atrophied. A 2024 report by the Afghanistan Journalists Support Organization (AJSO) highlights that 38 per cent of women journalists cite gender discrimination as a major barrier to accessing information, while 33 per cent fear repercussions for exposing the truth. Furthermore, 58 per cent of women journalists have no legal recourse when their requests for information are denied, underscoring the failure of Afghanistan\u2019s current media system to uphold transparency.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, despite a government guideline issued in April 2024 to increase transparency and accountability, journalists reported that media spokespersons were variously unavailable or lacked the necessary information to handle media requests.<\/p>\n
Upon assuming power in the Maldives, President Muizzu promised such high transparency in governance that the need to seek information would be redundant. However, this declaration has been belied, with the Attorney General\u2019s office challenging orders from the Information Commissioner to comply with right to information requests. Access to events and information was linked with proximity to the government, with critical news outlets like Adhadhu refused on coverage.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Women\u2019s faces are concealed at a women’s clothing shop in Kabul, Afghanistan, after an order by the Taliban\u2019s \u2018Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice\u2019. The de-facto government took further action to exclude women in Afghanistan society, including banning women from speaking in public, acting in television programs, or having their voices heard on radio. Credit: Wakil Kohsar \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”947.2px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Media Closures<\/strong><\/h3>\nJob insecurity was a running theme across the region. The period under review saw ever more journalists and media workers lose their livelihoods with media closures due to government interference, revenue losses and industry job shedding.<\/p>\n
A March 2025 report by the independent non-profit Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC) reported that 22 outlets closed in the past twelve months. Several radio stations were allegedly shut down by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice because they played background music, or allowed women to call in during live programs, thereby crossing the Taliban\u2019s so-called “red lines.” The economic downturn also resulted in the suspension of licenses of 17 media outlets in Nangarhar due to unpaid debts. Many local media outlets are struggling to renew their licenses and even pay electricity bills and taxes. Journalists\u2019 unions in the country estimate that almost half of Afghanistan\u2019s 4,001 male <\/strong>and 747 female remaining journalists<\/strong> are working without salaries or employment benefits.<\/p>\nThe major political realignments of the past year had a direct impact on the media in Bangladesh. Political retribution and perceived proximity to the ousted regime also led to mass sackings and forced resignations of senior editors, news chiefs and reporters.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s media saw an almost 15 per cent rise in industry layoffs in 2024-2025. Almost 200 to 400 media professionals lost jobs across print, television, and digital newsrooms in the first six months of 2024, a trend that is likely to continue. Several prominent small and medium print outlets were also forced to close down due to the high cost of printing, diminishing circulation and decline in advertisement revenue. Media closures inevitably led to an erosion in standards of decent work for media workers.<\/p>\n
In India, a significant threat to access to information emerged in the shape of an amendment to the Right to Information Act, which was introduced in the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, a law that is meant to uphold the right to privacy. However, blocking access to anything termed as \u201cpersonal information\u201d even if it is public interest, is likely to impact attempts enhance institutional accountability.<\/p>\n
Decent work challenged<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe lack of decent and timely wages for journalists was highlighted in the tragic case of Nepali journalist Shyam Sundar Pudasaini, 33. The young investigative journalist collapsed upon return from work, prompting inquiries over working conditions and non-payment of wages. He is not the first journalist to die on the job waiting for rightful wages to be paid. Unsurprisingly, , the long-awaited amendments to the Working Journalists Act and fixation of minimum wages once again came to the fore in media industry and union advocacy.<\/p>\n
A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions. With labour laws in dire reform to include the digital sphere, a whole section of media workers remains out in the cold, with no protections.<\/p>\n
Unpaid salaries and wage theft in Pakistan is the most critical industry issues affecting the media sector in terms of the widespread and deeply entrenched nature of the problem dating back many years. The IFJ and the PFUJ continue to lobby on the issue, demanding solutions and holding media owners accountable. A hopeful breakthrough came in November 2024, when the Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting\u00a0of Pakistan\u2019s National Assembly finally addressed the issue of unpaid salaries for media workers and recommended stronger measures to safeguard their rights.<\/p>\n
Restructuring measures aimed at streamlining state broadcasters in Sri Lanka are set to see a merger of Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and Independent Television Network. The move, aimed at getting the broadcasters out of massive debts, will also inevitably lead to more job losses in the beleaguered media sector which is yet to recover from post-pandemic downsizing.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A demonstrator holds a placard protesting the new Social Media Bill tabled in Nepal\u2019s federal parliament on February 12, 2025. The controversial bill allows authorities to ban media platforms and remove content in violation of government conditions. Unions and media stakeholders say the provisions are a government attempt to impose censorship and curtail basic human rights. Credit: Subaas Shrestha \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Legalised harassment<\/strong><\/h3>\nIn Bangladesh, the replacement of the draconian Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act of 2006 with the Digital Security Act (DSA) in 2018, and then the Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), has not led to any substantial change on the ground. Journalist bodies continued to face repression under vaguely formulated provisions. Around 5,818 cases filed under the CSA and the previous two laws currently remain pending in the country’s eight cyber tribunals.<\/p>\n
The interim government, responding to demands for repealing or amending repressive legislation, in December 2024 released a draft Cyber Protection Ordinance. Disappointingly, it seems very similar to the CSA, for example by penalising \u201churting religious sentiment\u201d with a jail term and fine. Terming the draft as \u201cconflicting to basic human rights,\u201d 100 distinguished citizens issued a joint statement in January 2025 demanding it also be scrapped.<\/p>\n
Concerns remained over Sri Lanka\u2019s overly broad and vague Online Safety Act and its ability to severely curtail free expression. But even in the face of vehement opposition, an amendment bill was rushed through in August 2024, just ahead of the parliamentary election. In the run up to the presidential elections, a collective of 41 trade unions urged President Ranil Wickremesinghe to urgently repeal the OSA and other laws they say undermine democracy in Sri Lanka. Over 50 lawsuits are challenging the draft bill.<\/p>\n
In India, the overuse of counter terror laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) as well as finance-related laws like the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) against media persons has tended to promote self-censorship. Kashmiri journalists have also borne the brunt of state repression with many battling long drawn-out cases, with some serving jail terms for their reporting. Others are routinely summoned to police stations for verification, coerced into revealing sources, placed on no-fly lists, have their passports revoked or their homes raided.<\/p>\n
Regulatory laws in India <\/span>such as the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill 2023 aimed at overhauling digital media regulations, continue to raise concerns about government overreach and potential censorship of OTT platforms and individual content creators. After backlash from independent media, the government withdrew a revised 2024 draft but reinstated the original 2023 version, keeping uncertainties alive over future regulatory controls.<\/span><\/p>\nAfter securing the parliamentary supermajority in the Maldives, the government proposed an amendment to the 2023 Evidence Act, which, among other concerns, allows courts to compel journalists to disclose anonymous sources in cases related to terrorism or national security. While the provision has not been enforced, the law still remains unchanged.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, a heavy-handed approach to social media regulation saw the introduction in January 2025, of the Social Media Operation, Use and Regulation Bill. Critics argue that the bill, which criminalises online expression with harsh fines and jail terms, has potential to undermine freedom of expression and press freedom. The UNESCO review of the bill states that provisions of the bill contradict international standards and are not in line with constitutional mandates of transparency, accountability and a multi-stakeholder strategy of digital governance. The Media Council Bill, passed on February 10, 2025, though a moderate version of the earlier draft, still contains problematic provisions such as the government\u2019s appointments of most of the council members, undermining its independence.<\/p>\n
Pakistan\u2019s Punjab Defamation Act 2024, with its vague and over broad definitions, makes violations punishable with massive fines, and tribunals can compel deemed offenders to issue an \u201cunconditional apology\u201d and direct regulatory bodies to block their social media accounts. Journalists\u2019 bodies termed the law \u201cdraconian\u201d and vigorously protested its enactment.<\/p>\n
Some judicial pronouncements in India provide hope. Guaranteeing the right to free speech, on March 28, 2025, the Supreme Court of India stated that \u201creasonable restrictions\u201d on the right to free speech should not be unreasonable or used to trample on citizens’ rights.<\/p>\n
Towards equity<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite strides made in gender equity over the decades, India’s ranking<\/a><\/span> in the World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Gender Gap Report slipped another two places to 129 out of 146 countries, and is now the third-lowest in South Asia. Its media also reflects this imbalance. Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern. A survey<\/a><\/span> released in August 2024, revealed that over 60 per cent of women journalists were discriminated against at work based on their gender identity.<\/p>\nLikewise, India’s diverse ethnic and linguistic landscape is still not adequately reflected in its media, and regional languages are often overlooked in favour of Hindi and English, further limiting access to information. The representation of marginalised communities in the newsroom remains abysmal.<\/strong><\/p>\nWomen journalists in the Maldives faced harassment on the job, most of it online. At an Internet Governance Forum in October 2024, journalists spoke about harassment reaching their families and some said they were avoiding investigative journalism as a result. The response by social media platforms is less than ideal, pointing to a need to localise interventions, for example, teaming up with Meta and X to improve hate speech detection in the national language, Dhivehi, to enable journalists to push back against online harassment.<\/p>\n
The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) made history by electing a woman journalist, Nirmala Sharma, as its chairperson for the first time in its seven-decade-long existence. With nearly 30 years of experience in the print and electronic media in Nepal, Sharma\u2019s election comes after consistent capacity building and leadership training interventions by the women\u2019s councils of the FNJ.<\/p>\n
A major gender mapping project across five regions of Pakistan by the Women\u2019s Media Forum Pakistan (WMFP) and supported by the IFJ in early 2025 revealed stark disparities, with representation as low as 3 per cent and stressed the need for intervention to increase gender equity. Globally women comprise only 24 per cent of news content, with Pakistan\u2019s representation even lower at 11 per cent. Participants advocated for reforms including equitable inclusion and a broader movement for gender parity within the Pakistani media.<\/p>\n
The representation of women journalists\u2019 unions and press clubs in Pakistan\u2019s ten largest cities was abysmally low, according to a study conducted by the Women Journalists Association and Freedom Network in early 2025. Only two press clubs (Lahore and Islamabad) reported slightly more than ten per cent share of women in their member rolls. The inclusion of women in the federal union however saw some improvement, with four women leaders elected to the new Federal Executive Council of the PFUJ.<\/p>\n
In January 2025, journalist Asma Sherazi fought back against the harassment directed at her and other women journalists, declaring \u201cenough is enough\u201d. A petition from the Digital Rights Foundation, calling for an end to the systematic harassment of orchestrated attacks against media professionals by political factions and their supporters was met with widespread support among the media.<\/p>\n
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Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Journalists in the Kashmir Valley continued to be subjected to interrogation, harassment and unlawful detention by intelligence agencies. A Kashmiri journalist films as Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, speaks during a press conference in Srinagar on January 2, 2025. Credit: Firdous Nazir \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Who owns the media?<\/strong><\/h3>\nA free press is critically linked to media ownership, and every government attempts to institutionalise its support of its cronies, in return for a media that follows the official narrative.<\/p>\n
In Bangladesh, industrialists and politicians who were bestowed media licenses by the previous government still remain loyal to Sheikh Hasina\u2019s regime. This proximity of business interests of media owners with the government has long been a barrier to independent journalism. However, a new Media Reform Policy of 2025 drafted by the country\u2019s interim government is finally set to address this issue. Just how impactful the policy can be remains to be seen in a country where media freedom has been stymied for so long.<\/p>\n
The draft Media Transparency (And Accountability) Bill, 2024 in India is aimed at increasing transparency in ownership with the emergence of media monopolies; financial coercion through the misuse of the power to allocate government advertisements; and coercive actions against journalists by State and non-State actors. The bill is likely to be presented as a private member\u2019s bill in Parliament. A report by the Press Council of India\u2019s sub-committee on \u201cAdvertisements for print media\u201d in September 2024 recommended that allocation be made proportional to their circulation and other qualitative parameters.<\/p>\n
The 42 news outlets are unable to sustain themselves through private sector advertisements alone, leading to a worrying dependence on politicians, businessmen and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that is fraught with favouritism and lacks transparency. Moreover, financial dependence on SOEs has gone hand in hand with manipulation and leverage, shaping news reportage in unhealthy ways. In February 2025, Moosa Rasheed, a senior journalist at Mihaaru, the leading local newspaper, resigned in protest over alleged government influence.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, government-issued advertisements continue to be a major revenue source for the media. The government reportedly allocated PKR 16 billion (USD 58.2m) in advertisements over the past five years.<\/p>\n
The decisions by the newly-elected Trump administration to dismantle the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) has had serious consequences for media in Afghanistan, leading to reduced funding for organisations such as Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty (RFE\/RL). These outlets have long provided independent news coverage to Afghanistan, and their funding cuts could weaken access to reliable information in the country.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media. The Social and Cultural Affairs Committee is also tasked with reviewing media legislation and policies, assessing the impact of government interventions, and evaluating public perceptions of freedom and transparency. Its report is expected by May 3, 2025.<\/p>\n
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In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n.jpg” title_text=”486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Aligning with the country\u2019s shifting media landscape, the Journalists Association of Bhutan held workshops on how to pitch stories related to climate change in Thimphu on March 24, 2025. Credit: JAB<\/p>\n
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Standing together<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite the clampdowns within borders, innovative occupation of the airwaves ensures that a few critical voices are making themselves heard. Afghan journalists in exiled media outlets such as Radio Azadi<\/em>, Afghanistan International<\/em>, Etilaatroz, Zan Times<\/em>, and Hasht-e-Subh<\/em>, remain critical of the Taliban regime.<\/p>\nBangladeshi media in exile such as the Sweden-based Netra News, and Zulkarnain Saer Khan, a London-based investigative journalist in exile, have managed to expose abuse of power, rights violations and corruptions by leaders of Hasina\u2019s party and civil and military officials associated with her government through his social media platforms.<\/p>\n
In November 2024, journalist bodies in the Maldives mobilised around concerns related to media regulation, opposing the move to merge the media council and broadcasting commission through Maldives Media and Broadcasting Commission Bill or grounds that the would erode the self-regulatory aspect. The proposed legislation was dubbed the \u2018Media Control Bill\u2019 and a campaign, an exhibition of people\u2019s power, with the slogan \u2018Hatharehge Hagguugai\u2019 asserting citizen power. Political will, not laws alone can enable the media to evolve with professionalism and independence.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, the merger of the state-owned Nepal Television and Radio Nepal into the National Public Service Broadcasting Agency was welcomed, since this reform has been a decades-long demand. Former FNJ president Mahendra Bista was appointed as the first chairperson of the new entity.<\/p>\n
Policy changes backed by financial investment proved to be of immense support to Pakistan\u2019s media community working in some of the most challenging environments in the region. The provincial governments of Balochistan, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa put down enhanced amounts to journalists\u2019 welfare funds and to develop press clubs in the province \u2013 crucial hubs for the media community.<\/p>\n
These concrete steps towards enhancing journalists\u2019 rights stand as an example of multi-stakeholder action and vigorous solidarity in the journalist community.<\/p>\n
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Click here to download pdf of Overview and Special Reports<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Feature Section” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#e5e5e5″ module_alignment=”center” min_height=”238px” height=”331px” max_height=”486px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|-3px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” top_divider_style=”arrow2″ top_divider_color=”#FFFFFF” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”1_3,1_3,1_3″ admin_label=”Stats” _builder_version=”4.16″ width=”77.3%” custom_padding=”115px||||false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Media Rights Violations” number=”250″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#999999″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” hover_enabled=”0″ global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_enabled=”0″][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Jailed or Detained” number=”69″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#E09900″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Killings” number=”20″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#FF0000″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNOverviewA Turbulent Year South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"\r\n
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background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_93J7LL-Dissolution-of-parliament-Nepal-protest-Prakash-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_92U7LM-Mock-funeral-for-sexual-assaults-PRAKASH-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_94J2MF-Tashnuva-Anan-Shishir-Bangladesh-transgender-news-host-Munir-Uz-zaman-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/BANG_000_93Z8WT-Bangladesh-protest-Mushtaq-Ahmed-Munir-death-in-custody-UZ-ZAMAN-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/Maldives\/A-Covid-19-press-briefing-by-President-Solih-on-June-23-Credit-President_s-Office-2-scaled.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/AFG000_94J2MK-International-womens-day-Afghanistan-WAKIL-KOHSAR-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/LAW_000_8Z94D9-Afghan-President-Ashraf-Ghani-arrives-in-Herat-January-2021-HOSHANG-HASHIMI-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" min_height=\"1286.7px\" custom_margin=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\"][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" min_height=\"131px\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"57px|||||\" border_style_all=\"none\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" min_height=\"65px\" border_width_bottom=\"5px\" border_style_bottom=\"solid\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]Overview<\/strong><\/h2>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=\"1_4\" admin_label=\"quote\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" animation_style=\"fade\"][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"3px|||||\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" width=\"97.3%\" min_height=\"1217px\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]<\/h1>\r\nPandemic, the Press and the New Digital Order<\/h3>\r\n
As the second wave of the Covid pandemic surged across South Asia in early 2021, journalists found themselves in the thick of the storm, without a safety net and scant institutional support. Battling not only the deadly virus, they mounted stiff resistance to states trying to control the narrative and plaster over the horrific reality. Journalists breaking stories of rising deaths, collapsing health systems and unpreparedness and mismanagement at the highest levels of government were silenced, hounded, arrested and penalised.<\/p>\r\n
Even as journalists also mourned the loss of their colleagues and family members, they continued to work in the most challenging circumstances to publicise the truth. They reported from the frontlines without adequate protective equipment, exposing themselves to infection to tell stories of the suffering in hospitals, in graveyards and crematoria. Many fell ill, many others continue to suffer from the long-term impacts of the Covid syndrome. Hundreds of others succumbed, unsung heroic storytellers of the apocalypse that engulfed them.<\/p>\r\n
To many others continued to tell one of the biggest stories of our times, while also enduring salary cuts and delays in wage payments, denial of protective personal equipment, medical insurance or reimbursement of massive medical bills to treat Covid contracted in the line of duty. Huge numbers of media workers were also rendered jobless or forced to resign in the wake of economic impacts of Covid-19. reeling under arrests and cases of sedition and terror, unrelenting trolling and abuse online, they wrote on. Some wrote on, even without a job or payment.<\/p>\r\n
Charges of \u201canti-national\u201d, \u201cagainst national security\u201d were widely used to curb dissent through archaic laws of sedition and colonial era laws of epidemic control. With courts admitting petitions challenging the constitutionality of some of these laws, there is reason to hope for change.<\/p>\r\n
The raging pandemic, accompanying lockdowns and economic crises were only piled on to existing barriers that the region\u2019s journalists already faced. Physical attacks and intimidation, lack of access to information, control and censorship; sharpened ethnic and religious cleavages; legal repercussions for their stories and an overall precarity of the media. Impunity for crimes against journalists continued, despite small gains. Yet, journalists bore witness and told the stories that needed to be told, with professional integrity, compassion and deep humanity.<\/p>\r\n
Regional trends<\/h3>\r\nTightening regulation and digital controls<\/h4>\r\n
Controlling the flow of information seemed to be an overriding preoccupation of governments across the region. From reigning in the burgeoning independent digital media and clamping down on critical voices on social media, governments and social media platforms fell short of upholding freedom of expression at a critical juncture.<\/p>\r\n
At a time when the free flow of information was literally a matter of life and death, governments intolerant of critical questions, tended to use the pandemic as a pretext to curb information, and any opinion that was deemed \u201canti-government\u201d. Social media presented a particular anxiety for governments trying to curb dissent, and unfortunately, social media giants did not adequately protect citizen\u2019s right to free speech, instead complying with unreasonable takedown notices from governments.<\/p>\r\n
Pakistan<\/strong> suffered under the harshest clampdown on dissent by any government. Media rights and freedom of expression took a severe beating, with the government seemingly leaping at the opportunity to deprive the media of both freedom and funds, driving an already beleaguered media industry into deeper crisis.\u00a0 The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) which criminalises free speech and gives overarching powers to law enforcement authorities, was overused in Pakistan to clamp down on free speech. The media, political opponents, activists and members of the public found the boundaries of free speech indiscriminately scrunched in violation of constitutional guarantees.<\/p>\r\nArbitrary blocking of independent websites, internet and communication shutdowns were regularly deployed to censor the media. This inevitably led to the proliferation of misinformation \u2013 which Pakistan could ill-afford in the midst of not only the pandemic, but civil strife and political upheaval.\u00a0 Cutting off connectivity in politically sensitive areas in an attempt to censor news had other adverse effects during the lockdown, mainly on health and education.<\/p>\r\n
In Bangladesh<\/strong>, it took the tragic custodial death in February 2021, of writer Mushtaq Ahmed incarcerated for ten months and repeatedly denied bail, to once more shine the spotlight on the draconian Digital Security Act (DSA) which has been widely used against journalists, bloggers and citizens to penalise free speech and critical opinion. The lone Cyber Crimes Tribunal, reeling under a staggering pending case load can barely manage due process in hearing cases, leave aside render justice.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, besides the time-honoured tactic of internet shutdowns to cut communications, the newly promulgated Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 gave the government the power to censor, order takedowns and block content without any recourse to appeal. Independent digital platforms termed the rules not just unconstitutional, but a blow to democracy itself, and have challenged this attempt at over-regulation in the highest court in the country. In addition to its attempt to control independent digital media, fast emerging as major players in the media landscape, the Indian government came down strongly on social media expression deemed to be critical of the government\u2019s handling of the pandemic. In the same vein, the new media Policy in Jammu and Kashmir (downgraded from state to centrally administered union territory in April 2019), issued in June 2020, was immediately viewed with disquiet by journalists, given that it empowers government officers to take action on \u201cfake news\u201d or \u201canti-national content\u201d.<\/p>\r\nAllegations of misinformation and rumour mongering were thrown at journalists and even citizens exposing the horrific ground reality of acute shortage of medical supplies, oxygen, overflowing hospitals and crematoria. Significantly, while content critical of the government was taken down, virulent hate speech against minorities and misogynist speech online thrived in India. Social media platforms Twitter and Facebook too succumbed to takedown requests by the government, failing to stand up for free speech.<\/p>\r\n
Across the region, governments displayed a remarkable disrespect towards the media, and took steps to increase regulation. In Nepal<\/strong>, the government moved ahead with tougher bills and regulations such as the Media Council Bill, the Public Service Broadcasting Bill, the Information Technology Bill, and the Special Service Bill \u2013 all of which have clauses that could undermine press freedom. The clampdown on social media has been proposed on pretexts of the \u201ccountry\u2019s sovereignty, security, unity or harmony\u201d. The Media Council Bill could erode the autonomy of the media, with government-appointed regulators, a provision that has been vehemently opposed by media rights organisations.<\/p>\r\nThe international norm of self-regulation by media was also violated in Sri Lanka<\/strong>, where in January 2021, the Cabinet of Ministers proposed to amend the Press Council Law to include electronic and new media and approved a proposal to \u2018structurally reform and reorganise\u2019 the Press Council to cover electronic and new media. The move was criticised by the Professional Web Journalists' Association which argued that the electronic and new media should be not controlled, but self-regulated with a stringent code of ethics developed by the media community itself.<\/p>\r\nLivelihood in peril<\/h4>\r\n
The pandemic year was also witness to dramatic loss of jobs in the media, across the region. Over 8,000 of Pakistan\u2019s<\/strong> estimated 20,000 journalists <\/span>lost their jobs in 2020<\/a> alone, and rural and district staff were more likely to be retrenched.<\/span><\/p>\r\nJournalists, mainly through the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), remained up in arms for most of the year and in early 2021 launched an \u201cenough is enough\u201d campaign across the country to protest job losses, pay cuts, censorship and rising intimidation. The media industry found new external supporters, including the legal community and civil society in institutional and organised partnerships with PFUJ to jointly resist the rising attacks on media freedoms, journalists\u2019 rights and public interest journalism in Pakistan.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, which saw a series of retrenchments from March 2020 onwards, there are no clear numbers of the job losses or salary cuts. <\/span>Estimates<\/a> put the figures in the thousands. Besides layoffs, salary cuts and delays in payments, media houses also threatened to sack staff if they wanted to work from home. The obstinacy of many managements led to staff in some media houses getting infected with the coronavirus en masse. Journalists from the regional press were harder hit, with fewer paying options than their English media counterparts. <\/span><\/p>\r\n\u00a0<\/span>The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) took up more than 500 complaints relating to job loss and non-payment of salary in Nepal<\/strong>. A survey conducted by the <\/span>FNJ in September 2020, revealed the desperate state of Nepal\u2019s journalists: the earning of 40 percent of journalists was affected by the pandemic and the nationwide lockdowns and women journalists were more severely impacted. Several media houses in Kathmandu suspended publications, cut down broadcast hours and decreased the size of the newspapers. The revenue of 75 percent of the once vibrant radio sector decreased due to the pandemic.<\/p>\r\nThe story was no different in Bangladesh<\/strong> where an estimated 1,250 journalists lost their jobs and several thousand faced salary cuts or irregular payments. While media owners blamed the pandemic for the drop in revenue and resultant salary cuts, trade unionists say that irregular payments were a norm of a section of media houses which then grasped at the pandemic as a justification to deny journalists their rights.<\/p>\r\nThe pandemic crisis however, only added to existing pressures that journalists across the region face. A major threat being the increasing polarisation on communal lines.<\/span><\/p>\r\nRising Extremism<\/h4>\r\n
South Asia has ravaged by religious, ethnic and caste divides for decades, but the growing cleavages of the last few years have been unprecedented. With hyper-nationalist parties in power in many countries in the region drawing votes and support from religiously aligned groups, the polity too has been sharply divided. Minorities in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have been particularly vulnerable, in this context of majoritarian politics. These divisions have inevitably affected the media. While some sections have added to the problem by exacerbating divisions and amplifying hate, others have had to struggle to remain independent.<\/p>\r\n
Existing fault lines were exacerbated by external situations that are likely to impact the whole region. The proposed withdrawal of US-NATO troops from Afghanistan by the coming September is feared to increase the Taliban's influence in Afghanistan<\/strong>, a development that could have a ripple effect in the region in terms of encouraging radicalism. Hard worn democratic and secular gains could be pushed back, with a direct impact on the media and individual journalists. Likewise, growing communalism in India<\/strong>, encouraged by the government in power, has a dangerous spill over effect in the neighbourhood, contributing to more polarisation and the strengthening of extremist groups. The media cannot be immune from attack, even as it attempts to uphold constitutional values, and the rights of women, minorities and the marginalised.<\/p>\r\nReligion in the Maldives<\/strong> is a no-go topic in public discourse, and the fear of being labelled anti-Islam contributes to the journalists practicing self-censorship of forgoing bylines while reporting on extremism in the country. As part of official control, the Communications Authority of Maldives blocks websites with anti-Islamic content upon request by ministries and other agencies. Though social media use is growing, intimidation and deaths threats pose the greatest challenge for free expression online. The yet unsolved murders of journalist Ahmed Rilwan and blogger Yameen Rashid known for their vocal criticism of religious fundamentalism are grim reminders of the risks of speaking out for religious freedom or minority rights. In its World Report 2021, Human Rights Watch accused the government of failing to confront the influence of hard-line Islamist groups. \u201cOnline intimidation of human rights groups continued to have a chilling effect on civil society in 2020,\u201d and reiterated calls to tackle hate speech and violence online.<\/p>\r\nThe state response to tackling religious extremism however, often has serious implications for freedom of expression and civil rights. In Sri<\/strong> Lanka<\/strong>, the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalisation from Holding Violent Extremist Religious Ideology) Regulations were issued in march 2021, expanding on the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). Powers given to authorities to detain and \u2018rehabilitate\u2019 anyone who \u2018by words either spoken or intended to be read or by signs or by visible representations\u2019 causes the commission of violence or \u2018religious, racial or communal disharmony or feelings of ill will or hostility between different communities or racial or religious groups\u2019 is prone to misuse, fear activists. The spate of arrests in cases of hate speech, mostly of Tamil and Muslim minorities further reinforces this apprehension of selective use of power by law enforcement agencies.<\/p>\r\nWomen journalists in the firing line<\/h4>\r\n
The rampant vitriol and violence online were particularly targeted at women journalists in the region. Pakistani<\/strong> women journalists had a rough year, facing unrelenting abuse by organised troll armies, many backed by members of the ruling party, prompting them to release a petition taking the government to account. Similar was the case across the border in India<\/strong>, where online abuse took a heavy toll in an already stressful year of the pandemic. Sexist abuse, misogyny and spillover of online to offline stalking and violence became the price that women journalists paid for speaking out.<\/span><\/p>\r\nThe marginalised existence of women journalists in South Asia\u2019s media community is itself one of the factors contributing to precarity. A report released in early 2020 by the South Asia Women\u2019s Network, showed that women accounted for only 29 per cent of staff in Maldives<\/strong> media organisations. Only five per cent leadership roles were occupied by women. Paradoxically, the enrolment of women in journalism courses in the Maldives was higher than men at 3:1. This data begs the question: where do these professional women vanish? The answer probably lies in another finding of the study: women face immense discrimination, harassment and bullying at the workplace.<\/p>\r\nNepali<\/strong> women journalists too faced character assassination, body shaming, speculation about sexual links with prominent men, with women journalists from marginalised communities such as Madhesi and Dalit are more intensive attack. Women journalists fought back, and refused to be silenced, speedily blocking abusers, reporting them and also using aliases to move forward and express themselves online.<\/p>\r\nPatchy access to information<\/h4>\r\n
Almost all countries in South Asia sought to tighten controls over access to information, denying journalists a basic tool for accurate reporting. In Afghanistan<\/strong>, despite an Access to Information Law passed in 2014 and amended in 2018, there are barriers to information access. The setting up of an independent Information Access Commission with 65 government-level departments to assist in the transfer of information from government offices to the media, is potentially a step towards easing access. However, implementation remains a question, given other moves that restrict access, for example the 2020 restrictions authorising only governors to share information with the media, thus creating huge bottlenecks. Moreover, with the imminent withdrawal of the US-NATO troops in the coming year, the barriers to accessing information regarding the opaque agencies of security, justice and peace will undoubtedly impact credible reporting at this crucial juncture.<\/p>\r\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, access to information is still wrapped up in red-tape and complicated bureaucratic procedure in a hierarchical set up, necessitating permissions to record videos or take a photo. Besides media persons, researchers and scholars in Bhutan are also coming up against the same obstacles. Free speech and expression as well as pursuit of research are thus impeded by official barriers.<\/p>\r\nDespite the passage of the Right to Information Act in the Maldives<\/strong> six years ago, a culture of secrecy persists and journalists are hard put to access information from certain state agencies. A survey by the Human Rights Commission of Maldives released in December 2020 showed that a majority of people were dissatisfied with access to official information and only 36 percent found the right to information law to have been helpful.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, the repercussions of the 2019 amendments to the once robust Right to Information Act could be seen during the pandemic when access to information was vital \u2013 access to data on funds, vaccine roll out and health infrastructure was repeatedly blocked by official agencies and the Central Information Commission did little to enable the flow of critical information.<\/p>\r\nLikewise, Sri Lanka<\/strong> too witnessed the dilution of its Right to Information Commission, which could affect its independent functioning.<\/p>\r\nWelcome pushback<\/h4>\r\n
\u00a0<\/em><\/strong>Despite the relentless battles on several fronts, while struggling to stay afloat, South Asian journalists valiantly put up a resistance to the onslaught on media rights in all countries of the region. Challenges in court, mobilising and collective action despite the restrictions in mobility and the overwhelming public health crisis, were evidence of a spirited defiance.<\/p>\r\nThe attempt to control the digital space by governments in several countries in the region was met with a heartening push back. In Pakistan,<\/strong> independent online journalism platforms together formed the Digital Media Alliance of Pakistan (DigiMAP<\/a>) to challenge and resist the state\u2019s increasing authoritarianism on national dialogues initiated by grassroots communities. DigiMAP represents the emerging bold new ecosystem of independent media start-ups that have taken it upon themselves to champion the cause of public interest journalism that the legacy media has been forced to surrender before an increasingly hostile state. DigiMAP also put out a strong statement<\/a> against the new digital regulations.<\/p>\r\nDespite the burgeoning digital media in India<\/strong> and its vital role in promoting independent journalism, there was until now no single body representing the digital news media. Eleven digital media organisations came together in October 2020 to launch the DIGIPUB News India Foundation \u201cto represent, amplify and evolve best practices to build a robust digital news ecology that is truly world-class, independent and upholds the highest standards of journalism,\u201d One of its first actions was to challenge the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 in court, as an infringement of freedom of expression.<\/p>\r\n
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MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURN<\/span><\/h1>\n[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Section” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”554.9px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”131px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”57px|||||” border_style_all=”none” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” min_height=”65px” border_width_bottom=”5px” border_style_bottom=”solid” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Overview<\/strong><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A Turbulent Year<\/h3>\n
South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens were among those leading phenomenal pushbacks against entrenched authoritarian regimes, voting out incumbent governments and expressing unified dissatisfaction with misgovernance, corruption and overreach. Amid the upheaval, the media played a critical role in amplifying people\u2019s aspirations and speaking truth to the powerful.<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh<\/strong>, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule. Hopes are now pinned on the country\u2019s new Chief Adviser Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to help rebuild state institutions, revive the economy, restore human rights and press freedom and combat the deeply entrenched communal polarisation and a newly emboldened right-wing.\u00a0<\/p>\nIn Sri Lanka<\/strong>, the natural next step on from the people\u2019s movement of 2022 came with a major political shift achieved through the ballot in the September 2024 presidential election. The victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, of the left of centre National People’s Power (NPP) or Jathika Jana Balawegaya, followed by the party\u2019s definitive victory in November\u2019s parliamentary elections signified a departure from the country\u2019s deep-rooted dynastic rule under the Rajapaksa family, characterised by authoritarianism, corruption and economic chaos. The new president, known widely as AKD, has cast himself as a disruptor to the status quo for his anti-corruption platform and pro-poor policies in the wake of the country\u2019s worst ever economic crisis, which is still having an impact on millions.<\/p>\nIn Pakistan<\/strong>, political instability and intervention by the military apparatus in virtually every area of public space, was clearly evident during and following the national election in February 2024. Fraught with political repression and violence, the national elections were heavily tainted by allegations of rigging, voter suppression and technicalities that resulted in the deregistering of one major political party. When a post-election alliance brought to power two dynastic parties that had won fewer seats individually, the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) took to the streets in months-long, and often violent agitations that left many dead and injured. Ranked at 124, Pakistan\u2019s democracy ranking fell by six spots in the year to be listed among the top 10 worst performers in the Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit released in February 2025. The Democratic Index now firmly terms Pakistan as no longer a democracy, but an authoritarian regime.<\/p>\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, a quiet but firm political upheaval resulted in the country decisively voting out the incumbent government and choosing to unequivocally place faith in one of the country\u2019s oldest political parties, the 18-year-old People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The role of the media in voter literacy in a country where about half the population is under 25 years old, cannot be underestimated.<\/p>\nThe atoll nation of the Maldives<\/strong> saw a peaceful transfer of power via the ballot, with the parliamentary elections of April 2024 again ushering in a government of the ruling People\u2019s National Congress with a thumping majority. While the electorate\u2019s message was in favour of stability, a weakened opposition has raised concerns about arming the new president, Mohamed Muizzu, with both executive and legislative control. Unchecked power has never boded well for freedom of the press, particularly in the case of the Maldives.<\/p>\nThe Indian<\/strong> electorate returned the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power with a reduced majority. But hopes that the diminished numbers would temper aggressive and non-consultative policies have not been upheld.<\/p>\nInstability and shifting coalition dynamics marked Nepal\u2019s<\/strong> political scene in the past year. A fragmented parliament with no clear winners after the election in January 2024 ultimately led to KP Sharma Oli, forming a coalition government with the centrist Nepali Congress in July 2024. It marks his fourth tenure as the country\u2019s prime minister. But fragile alliances and ongoing political instability in the country, including a resurgence of a pro-monarchy movement, have so far plagued attempts at legislative action, including long awaited amendments to policies and laws related to the media.<\/p>\nAmid the hope engendered by political change in its neighbourhood, Afghanistan\u2019s<\/strong> media faced yet another year of plummeting press freedom with the country now sitting just two places from the bottom of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index. Hard fought achievements over recent decades on access to information, media funding and viability, as well as gender equity and plurality are now all but erased. Yet Afghan journalists continued to cling tenaciously to hope, endeavouring to operate within a media landscape of heightened restrictions, especially for women.<\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”zoom” scroll_fade_enable=”on” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule.\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240806__36AG8JF__v2__Preview__TopshotIndiaBangladeshUnrestStudents.jpg” title_text=”INDIA-BANGLADESH-UNREST-STUDENTS” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
The ousting of iron-fisted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh had ripple effects across the region and strained ties with neighbouring India. Hindus make up almost ten per cent of Bangladesh’s 174 million people. After the embattled leader fled to India, the post-Hasina power vacuum also led to increased violence against members of the Hindu minority community. A vendor hangs a newspaper along a roadside in Hyderabad, India, on August 6, 2024. Credit: Noah Seelam \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||17px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Unfree digiverse <\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, the digital space continued to offer immense opportunities to expose corruption and human rights violations and challenge mainstream and official narratives. Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. The problem remains, however, with maintaining professional standards and editorial verification processes.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, the passage in January 2025 of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act (PECA) was met with vehement protests, hunger strikes and demonstrations across the country. Ostensibly created to combat \u2018fake news\u2019, the law has been termed \u201cdraconian\u201d and an assault on free speech. Amended provisions to allow third-party legal entities to lodge complaints with the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), raised concerns about suppression of dissent.<\/p>\n
In February 2025, during her visit to Pakistan, IFJ president, Dominique Pradalie, joined union leaders in a protest march in Islamabad against the controversial amendments to the PECA Act, urging Pakistani authorities to uphold freedom of expression, and repeal the PECA Act.<\/p>\n
India globally ranks second after China in terms of internet users, now estimated at more than 806 million individuals. With social media user<\/a><\/span> penetration at 34 per cent, the elections to parliament and several state assemblies in 2024 presented an opportunity for social media to fill gaps that mainstream media seemed hesitant to cover. The massive surge in digital advertising spending testified to the role of social media marketing, with the total election budget for political parties collectively reaching INR 13,000 crore (approximately USD 1.5 billion) across various media platforms. The ruling BJP had the most prominent online presence, using social media and artificial intelligence (AI) driven tools, influencers and even paid trolls to target opponents, human rights activists and journalists. But other parties are fast catching up. These new avenues for dissent were also spaces that strongly peddled misinformation.<\/p>\nThe Global Risks Report<\/a><\/span> 2024, released by the World Economic Forum, currently ranks misinformation and disinformation as the number one risk now facing the world. Distorted and manipulated information, which has become increasingly easier with AI enabled tools, will continue to have far reaching impacts, it warns.<\/p>\nReflecting the global trend, alarmingly though not unexpectedly, social media platforms in India were also used to spew hate and polarise communities. A report<\/a><\/span> \u2018Social Media and Hate Speech in India\u2019 of the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate (CSOH) identified Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, Telegram, and X (formerly Twitter) as key drivers enabling, amplifying, and mainstreaming hate speech and extremist ideologies, spreading Hindu nationalist ideology and anti-minority rhetoric.\u00a0<\/p>\nGovernment overreach and control was visible in the number of takedowns of YouTube – the highest<\/a><\/span> globally over the last three months of 2024, for ostensibly violating \u201ccommunity guidelines\u201d. \u2018Sahayog\u2019, a portal launched in March 2025 to facilitate co-ordinated action on cybercrime, has come in for criticism by some of the major platforms. Elon Musk, owner of social media platform X has termed it a tool of censorship and refused to join the portal.<\/p>\nIn another small pushback, on September 20, 2024, the Bombay High Court struck down the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2023, which allowed the Central Government to form a Fact-Check Unit to identify online content regarding government business as \u201cfake, false, or misleading\u201d.<\/p>\n
Internet shutdowns continue to be another way of turning off the switch on information sharing that is unpalatable to governments. According to digital rights advocacy group Access Now, for the first time since 2018, India with a total of 84 internet shutdowns in 2024 was not ranked first in internet shutdown orders, following Myanmar this year with 85 shutdowns. Shutdowns were done on various pretexts: communal conflict, protests and instability, to prevent cheating in exams, and elections, with Manipur and Kashmir facing the highest number of shutdowns.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan\u2019s elections there was a significant shift toward social media for campaigning, alongside traditional rallies and meetings. But the proliferation and ease of dissemination came with attendant problems of extreme polarisation, trolling and abuse. Disinformation and deepfakes muddied the waters and invited typical government responses of bans and suspensions of platforms and slowing down internet services.<\/p>\n
During the Sri Lankan parliamentary and presidential elections in 2024, digital platforms became vehicles for misinformation and online abuse, with the Election Commission as well as tech giants standing by helplessly. Women candidates were exposed to malicious social media attacks, undermining their right to public office.<\/p>\n
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Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. <\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Amendments to Pakistan\u2019s Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) were met with nationwide protests by journalists and freedom of expression activists. The PECA law presents a clear battleground for the media with the amendments effectively criminalising online disinformation. Leaders and activists of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists protest in Karachi on January 31, 2025. Credit: Rizwan Tabassum \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Is AI the future?<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe rapid entry of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in newsrooms in South Asia has forced a hasty appraisal of its possibilities and challenges. \u2018<\/em>Media Metamorphosis: AI and Bangladeshi Newsrooms 2024\u2019, a study conducted by the Media Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) found that, while 51 per cent of journalists have utilised AI tools, only 20 per cent of news organisations have institutionalised its use. ChatGPT was the most popular tool, accounting for 78 per cent of all usage.<\/p>\nWhile the impact of AI in Indian newsrooms has yet to be studied systematically, there is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/p>\n
AI may not have taken off yet in Sri Lankan newsrooms, but in May 2024, state broadcaster Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) made history by using two AI versions of Chaminda Gunarathne and Nishadi Bandaranayake, two of SLRC\u2019s most popular news anchors,\u00a0taking a significant step in the use of AI tech in Sinhala language newscasting<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\nNewsrooms in Pakistan are increasingly using AI to enhance professionalism, but the impact of this transition on jobs and the media economy has yet to be systematically studied. The first country in South Asia to introduce a policy and legal framework to promote ethical and responsible use of AI is Pakistan. The country\u2019s Ministry of Information Technology and Telecommunications released a draft National AI Policy in May 2023, while the Senate introduced the “Regulation of Artificial Intelligence Act 2024,” to regulate AI, mitigate associated risks, and penalise violations.<\/p>\n
But even as governments and other stakeholders in South Asia confront the challenges of AI, make policies and draw up legal guidelines, one thing is clear: any regulatory framework must be undergirded by the ethics and morality of social justice and be strongly informed by the media sector as a key stakeholder.<\/p>\n
A deathly toll<\/strong><\/h3>\nReporting on the people\u2019s uprising in Bangladesh came with a heavy price. Security forces shot dead four journalists and one was hacked to death by anti-government protesters in the three weeks of mass uprising in July 2024.<\/p>\n
Pakistan bore witness to the most violent year for journalists in the country in two decades with eight journalists killed in the period under review. Most were shot by unidentified assailants, and one was caught in sectarian crossfire while reporting. The rapid declines in journalist safety and the high death toll once again places Pakistan as the deadliest country in Asia-Pacific for media workers.<\/p>\n
The horrific murder of Mukesh Chandrakar in Bastar in Central India illustrated the hazards of reporting from conflict zones and exposing corruption. Abducted, murdered and buried in a septic tank, his body was discovered on January 2, 2025.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, cameraperson Suresh Rajak of Avenues Television was burnt to death on March 28, 2025, while reporting atop a building in Kathmandu set alight by protestors during a violent pro-monarchy demonstration. The case once more underlined the real and present dangers for media workers on the frontline of political protests and civil unrest.<\/p>\n
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There is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”749.8px” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” title_text=”240808 Rilwan” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” background_color=”RGBA(0,0,0,0)” min_height=”529px” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Repeated investigative failures continue to deny justice for Maldivian blogger and journalist Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, who was forcibly disappeared by extremists on August 8, 2014. On the tenth anniversary of his abduction and murder, the Maldives Journalist Association (MJA) called for justice and a public enquiry. Impunity for the crime has prompted continued self- censorship in the media. Credit: MJA<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Righting wrongs<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe mighty task of tackling ever increasing levels of impunity for crimes against journalists and media workers has so far eluded most governments of South Asia. Even in the stronger democracies, a failure to bring such perpetrators to justice is a blight that continues to plague the region.<\/p>\n
The interim government in Bangladesh is now confronted by the expansive debris of human rights violations left by Sheikh Hasina\u2019s government. A 2025 report<\/a><\/span> by the UN Human Rights Office estimates the number of deaths during the uprising at around 1,400 \u2013 around 13 per cent of them children \u2013 and thousands more injured between July 15 and August 5, 2024. A significant majority was shot by security forces.\u00a0The report pointed to a media blackout enforced by the intelligence and security agencies through fear and intimidation to supress news of the brutalities on the ground. \u201cThere are reasonable grounds to believe hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture, were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the political leadership and senior security officials as part of a strategy to suppress the protests,\u201d it said.<\/p>\nIn August 2024, on the tenth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of blogger Ahmed Rilwan, human rights and press freedom groups called on the Maldives\u2019 new government to publicly disclose the long-demanded findings of a deaths and disappearances commission set up in 2019. The tardy prosecution in this pivotal case of key national interest has undoubtedly prompted continued self-censorship in the media regarding any matters that might be termed as anti-Islamic.<\/p>\n
Small steps were taken to tackle impunity in Nepal with the passage in August 2024 of an amendment to the Enforced Disappearance Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act. Nepal saw the killings of 23 journalists during its decade-long insurgency (1996-2006), and proper investigation and action against perpetrators is still awaited. However, the amendment is unlikely to provide adequate justice to the families of the killed journalists due to loopholes and inconsistency with international law. The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has currently rated the civic space in Nepal as \u2018obstructed\u2019 on account of continuing violations of civil rights including arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and the targeting of journalists.<\/p>\n
The struggle for justice for Sri Lankan cartoonist and journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda who was abducted and forcibly disappeared in 2010 continues. Likewise, 16 years on from his murder, justice continues to elude Lasantha Wickrematunge, the slain editor of The Sunday Leader<\/em>. Following public protests, Sri Lanka\u2019s Attorney General revoked his own recommendation to release three suspects linked to the journalist\u2019s murder. Among other long-running cases of killings and attacks documented during the war, criminal investigators finally arrested two ex-army intelligence personnel in connection with the abduction and torture of senior journalist Keith Noyahr in May 2008.<\/p>\nIn March 2025, the Sri Lankan government tabled the long-suppressed Batalanda Commission Report in Parliament, addressing alleged state-sponsored human rights violations, including illegal detentions and torture, during the 1988\u20131990 period of civil unrest. While the timing of the tabling of the report has been questioned, it allows hope that accountability for decades-old crimes may be fixed. The wheels of justice indeed turn slowly.<\/p>\n
The civil war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009, but its repercussions continue to be felt. Tamil journalists are still singled out for harassment by both state and non-state actors. Evidencing this, journalists from the North of the country presented<\/a><\/span> a memo in June 2024 to the UNHCR in Jaffna calling for a UN-led process to monitor violence against journalists in the country.\u00a0 Responding to government edicts prohibiting memorials to Tamil journalists and human rights defenders, in May 2024, Amnesty International issued a statement calling for justice for war victims and the right to mourn and to memorialisation. In northern Sri Lanka, the Mullaitivu Media Forum marked the 24th<\/sup> anniversary of the killing of senior Jaffna-based journalist Mylvaganam Nimalrajan, calling for an international investigation into crimes against journalists. It emphasised that the lack of closure perpetuated impunity and enabled perpetrators to continue without any fear of reprisals.<\/p>\nAttacking the messenger<\/strong><\/h3>\nSheikh Hasina\u2019s dramatic exit from Bangladesh further emboldened opposition-supported miscreants to target journalists, particularly in areas outside the capital, Dhaka. As many as 99 journalists were injured in 51 separate incidents through to March 2025, with 47 attacks outside of Dhaka, mostly by members of the Bangladesh National Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami.<\/p>\n
According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests. Anger over news coverage led mobs to go on a rampage against individual journalists. Press clubs, newspaper offices and television studios were also attacked, equipment destroyed, broadcasts halted, and staff intimidated. The full number of these attacks is not known.<\/p>\n
In Afghanistan, the AFJC<\/em> recorded at least 172 violations against journalists and media outlets for the year up to March 2025. Its reporting highlights a 24 per cent increase in media rights violations compared to the previous year and reflects the worsening conditions for journalists and media organisations, as restrictions on press freedom continue to tighten. Meanwhile, Afghan journalists who have fled to neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, continue to face legal uncertainties, financial struggles, persecution, legal harassment and professional isolation.<\/p>\nThe Federation of Nepali Journalists\u2019 (FNJ) monitoring mechanism recorded a total of 47 incidents of press freedom violations, including attacks, threats and harassment, both online and offline, by a range of perpetrators including government functionaries. The arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, chairperson and owner of two prominent national dailies, Kantipur and Kathmandu Post, and a radio and television station over issues related to his citizenship seemed a clear case of intimidation and retribution by the then-deputy prime minister, Rabi Lamichhane, who was unhappy over reporting about him.<\/p>\n
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According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][et_pb_divider show_divider=”off” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”25px” custom_margin=”||-1px|||” custom_padding=”||0px|0px||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_divider][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Bangladesh\u2019s journalists faced harassment, arrests, and heavy restrictions while covering national anti-government demonstrations in 2024. Students protesting near Dhaka University in Bangladesh\u2019s capital on August 12, 2024, demanded accountability and a trial for Bangladesh’s ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Credit: Luis Tato \/ AFP<\/p>\n
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Narrative control<\/strong><\/h3>\nAcross the region, governments attempted to shape public discourse through their hold and influence on the media and its owners.<\/p>\n
In Sri Lanka, the media was called out for supporting alleged divisive stands and openly promoting select candidates and amplifying these messages on social media. This invited a slate of take down notices from the Election Commission.<\/p>\n
The false promises of ensuring press freedom made by the Taliban when they took on the reins of power in Afghanistan in 2021 were quickly belied. News media in the country are, for the most part, forced to exist as a propaganda wing of the government, with independent journalism being all but crushed. Reports are closely monitored and rejected for non-compliance with the rules of the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, an agency set up in 1992 by the government under Burhanuddin Rabbani and now revived by the Taliban. Taboo subjects include women\u2019s rights, social justice and human rights.<\/p>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts. Bans include: criticism of Taliban officials, women\u2019s voices, filming and recording video interviews with local officials, broadcasting of images of living beings, including animals. Additionally, terminology such as \u2018martyr\u2019 is required to be used when reporting Taliban casualties.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s mainstream media continued to be reined in by repression or financial harassment via the foisting of legal cases or removing the non-profit status of some of its feistier media outlets. Control was also exercised through co-option and a system of rewards and incentives through advertisements. Analysis<\/a><\/span> by the BBC found that major news websites in the country published larger volumes of content mentioning the incumbent prime minister and his party, with editorials predicting his win. Attempting to legitimise sycophancy, the government of Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state in India, released the Digital Media Policy 2024 to not only regulate platforms with vague definitions of \u201canti-national\u201d content, but also to develop a retinue of paid influencers. The move was vehemently opposed by journalist bodies.<\/p>\nInternational correspondents in India faced ramped up efforts to control their reporting. Work permits of several foreign correspondents were cancelled on flimsy grounds, a move that was particularly suspect during election year.<\/p>\n
A report, Unveiling Public Trust in the Maldivian Media\u2019 released in May 2024 found that 87 per cent of respondents held the media accountable for political divisions in the country with television and internet news websites perceived to have the highest levels of sensational or biased coverage. This was a clear wake-up call for the media to regain public trust in the atoll nation.<\/p>\n
Information is power <\/strong><\/h3>\nAccess to information, one of the lodestones of credible journalism, has been steadily declining in various parts of the region.<\/p>\n
Afghanistan, once ranked number one of 130 countries in terms of access to information, has rapidly plummeted under the Taliban. With stringent controls over information, blocking requests, especially by women journalists, the rights once guaranteed by the Access to Information Law have atrophied. A 2024 report by the Afghanistan Journalists Support Organization (AJSO) highlights that 38 per cent of women journalists cite gender discrimination as a major barrier to accessing information, while 33 per cent fear repercussions for exposing the truth. Furthermore, 58 per cent of women journalists have no legal recourse when their requests for information are denied, underscoring the failure of Afghanistan\u2019s current media system to uphold transparency.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, despite a government guideline issued in April 2024 to increase transparency and accountability, journalists reported that media spokespersons were variously unavailable or lacked the necessary information to handle media requests.<\/p>\n
Upon assuming power in the Maldives, President Muizzu promised such high transparency in governance that the need to seek information would be redundant. However, this declaration has been belied, with the Attorney General\u2019s office challenging orders from the Information Commissioner to comply with right to information requests. Access to events and information was linked with proximity to the government, with critical news outlets like Adhadhu refused on coverage.<\/p>\n
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A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Women\u2019s faces are concealed at a women’s clothing shop in Kabul, Afghanistan, after an order by the Taliban\u2019s \u2018Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice\u2019. The de-facto government took further action to exclude women in Afghanistan society, including banning women from speaking in public, acting in television programs, or having their voices heard on radio. Credit: Wakil Kohsar \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”947.2px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Media Closures<\/strong><\/h3>\nJob insecurity was a running theme across the region. The period under review saw ever more journalists and media workers lose their livelihoods with media closures due to government interference, revenue losses and industry job shedding.<\/p>\n
A March 2025 report by the independent non-profit Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC) reported that 22 outlets closed in the past twelve months. Several radio stations were allegedly shut down by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice because they played background music, or allowed women to call in during live programs, thereby crossing the Taliban\u2019s so-called “red lines.” The economic downturn also resulted in the suspension of licenses of 17 media outlets in Nangarhar due to unpaid debts. Many local media outlets are struggling to renew their licenses and even pay electricity bills and taxes. Journalists\u2019 unions in the country estimate that almost half of Afghanistan\u2019s 4,001 male <\/strong>and 747 female remaining journalists<\/strong> are working without salaries or employment benefits.<\/p>\nThe major political realignments of the past year had a direct impact on the media in Bangladesh. Political retribution and perceived proximity to the ousted regime also led to mass sackings and forced resignations of senior editors, news chiefs and reporters.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s media saw an almost 15 per cent rise in industry layoffs in 2024-2025. Almost 200 to 400 media professionals lost jobs across print, television, and digital newsrooms in the first six months of 2024, a trend that is likely to continue. Several prominent small and medium print outlets were also forced to close down due to the high cost of printing, diminishing circulation and decline in advertisement revenue. Media closures inevitably led to an erosion in standards of decent work for media workers.<\/p>\n
In India, a significant threat to access to information emerged in the shape of an amendment to the Right to Information Act, which was introduced in the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, a law that is meant to uphold the right to privacy. However, blocking access to anything termed as \u201cpersonal information\u201d even if it is public interest, is likely to impact attempts enhance institutional accountability.<\/p>\n
Decent work challenged<\/strong><\/h3>\nThe lack of decent and timely wages for journalists was highlighted in the tragic case of Nepali journalist Shyam Sundar Pudasaini, 33. The young investigative journalist collapsed upon return from work, prompting inquiries over working conditions and non-payment of wages. He is not the first journalist to die on the job waiting for rightful wages to be paid. Unsurprisingly, , the long-awaited amendments to the Working Journalists Act and fixation of minimum wages once again came to the fore in media industry and union advocacy.<\/p>\n
A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions. With labour laws in dire reform to include the digital sphere, a whole section of media workers remains out in the cold, with no protections.<\/p>\n
Unpaid salaries and wage theft in Pakistan is the most critical industry issues affecting the media sector in terms of the widespread and deeply entrenched nature of the problem dating back many years. The IFJ and the PFUJ continue to lobby on the issue, demanding solutions and holding media owners accountable. A hopeful breakthrough came in November 2024, when the Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting\u00a0of Pakistan\u2019s National Assembly finally addressed the issue of unpaid salaries for media workers and recommended stronger measures to safeguard their rights.<\/p>\n
Restructuring measures aimed at streamlining state broadcasters in Sri Lanka are set to see a merger of Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and Independent Television Network. The move, aimed at getting the broadcasters out of massive debts, will also inevitably lead to more job losses in the beleaguered media sector which is yet to recover from post-pandemic downsizing.<\/p>\n
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A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions.<\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A demonstrator holds a placard protesting the new Social Media Bill tabled in Nepal\u2019s federal parliament on February 12, 2025. The controversial bill allows authorities to ban media platforms and remove content in violation of government conditions. Unions and media stakeholders say the provisions are a government attempt to impose censorship and curtail basic human rights. Credit: Subaas Shrestha \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
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Legalised harassment<\/strong><\/h3>\nIn Bangladesh, the replacement of the draconian Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act of 2006 with the Digital Security Act (DSA) in 2018, and then the Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), has not led to any substantial change on the ground. Journalist bodies continued to face repression under vaguely formulated provisions. Around 5,818 cases filed under the CSA and the previous two laws currently remain pending in the country’s eight cyber tribunals.<\/p>\n
The interim government, responding to demands for repealing or amending repressive legislation, in December 2024 released a draft Cyber Protection Ordinance. Disappointingly, it seems very similar to the CSA, for example by penalising \u201churting religious sentiment\u201d with a jail term and fine. Terming the draft as \u201cconflicting to basic human rights,\u201d 100 distinguished citizens issued a joint statement in January 2025 demanding it also be scrapped.<\/p>\n
Concerns remained over Sri Lanka\u2019s overly broad and vague Online Safety Act and its ability to severely curtail free expression. But even in the face of vehement opposition, an amendment bill was rushed through in August 2024, just ahead of the parliamentary election. In the run up to the presidential elections, a collective of 41 trade unions urged President Ranil Wickremesinghe to urgently repeal the OSA and other laws they say undermine democracy in Sri Lanka. Over 50 lawsuits are challenging the draft bill.<\/p>\n
In India, the overuse of counter terror laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) as well as finance-related laws like the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) against media persons has tended to promote self-censorship. Kashmiri journalists have also borne the brunt of state repression with many battling long drawn-out cases, with some serving jail terms for their reporting. Others are routinely summoned to police stations for verification, coerced into revealing sources, placed on no-fly lists, have their passports revoked or their homes raided.<\/p>\n
Regulatory laws in India <\/span>such as the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill 2023 aimed at overhauling digital media regulations, continue to raise concerns about government overreach and potential censorship of OTT platforms and individual content creators. After backlash from independent media, the government withdrew a revised 2024 draft but reinstated the original 2023 version, keeping uncertainties alive over future regulatory controls.<\/span><\/p>\nAfter securing the parliamentary supermajority in the Maldives, the government proposed an amendment to the 2023 Evidence Act, which, among other concerns, allows courts to compel journalists to disclose anonymous sources in cases related to terrorism or national security. While the provision has not been enforced, the law still remains unchanged.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, a heavy-handed approach to social media regulation saw the introduction in January 2025, of the Social Media Operation, Use and Regulation Bill. Critics argue that the bill, which criminalises online expression with harsh fines and jail terms, has potential to undermine freedom of expression and press freedom. The UNESCO review of the bill states that provisions of the bill contradict international standards and are not in line with constitutional mandates of transparency, accountability and a multi-stakeholder strategy of digital governance. The Media Council Bill, passed on February 10, 2025, though a moderate version of the earlier draft, still contains problematic provisions such as the government\u2019s appointments of most of the council members, undermining its independence.<\/p>\n
Pakistan\u2019s Punjab Defamation Act 2024, with its vague and over broad definitions, makes violations punishable with massive fines, and tribunals can compel deemed offenders to issue an \u201cunconditional apology\u201d and direct regulatory bodies to block their social media accounts. Journalists\u2019 bodies termed the law \u201cdraconian\u201d and vigorously protested its enactment.<\/p>\n
Some judicial pronouncements in India provide hope. Guaranteeing the right to free speech, on March 28, 2025, the Supreme Court of India stated that \u201creasonable restrictions\u201d on the right to free speech should not be unreasonable or used to trample on citizens’ rights.<\/p>\n
Towards equity<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite strides made in gender equity over the decades, India’s ranking<\/a><\/span> in the World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Gender Gap Report slipped another two places to 129 out of 146 countries, and is now the third-lowest in South Asia. Its media also reflects this imbalance. Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern. A survey<\/a><\/span> released in August 2024, revealed that over 60 per cent of women journalists were discriminated against at work based on their gender identity.<\/p>\nLikewise, India’s diverse ethnic and linguistic landscape is still not adequately reflected in its media, and regional languages are often overlooked in favour of Hindi and English, further limiting access to information. The representation of marginalised communities in the newsroom remains abysmal.<\/strong><\/p>\nWomen journalists in the Maldives faced harassment on the job, most of it online. At an Internet Governance Forum in October 2024, journalists spoke about harassment reaching their families and some said they were avoiding investigative journalism as a result. The response by social media platforms is less than ideal, pointing to a need to localise interventions, for example, teaming up with Meta and X to improve hate speech detection in the national language, Dhivehi, to enable journalists to push back against online harassment.<\/p>\n
The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) made history by electing a woman journalist, Nirmala Sharma, as its chairperson for the first time in its seven-decade-long existence. With nearly 30 years of experience in the print and electronic media in Nepal, Sharma\u2019s election comes after consistent capacity building and leadership training interventions by the women\u2019s councils of the FNJ.<\/p>\n
A major gender mapping project across five regions of Pakistan by the Women\u2019s Media Forum Pakistan (WMFP) and supported by the IFJ in early 2025 revealed stark disparities, with representation as low as 3 per cent and stressed the need for intervention to increase gender equity. Globally women comprise only 24 per cent of news content, with Pakistan\u2019s representation even lower at 11 per cent. Participants advocated for reforms including equitable inclusion and a broader movement for gender parity within the Pakistani media.<\/p>\n
The representation of women journalists\u2019 unions and press clubs in Pakistan\u2019s ten largest cities was abysmally low, according to a study conducted by the Women Journalists Association and Freedom Network in early 2025. Only two press clubs (Lahore and Islamabad) reported slightly more than ten per cent share of women in their member rolls. The inclusion of women in the federal union however saw some improvement, with four women leaders elected to the new Federal Executive Council of the PFUJ.<\/p>\n
In January 2025, journalist Asma Sherazi fought back against the harassment directed at her and other women journalists, declaring \u201cenough is enough\u201d. A petition from the Digital Rights Foundation, calling for an end to the systematic harassment of orchestrated attacks against media professionals by political factions and their supporters was met with widespread support among the media.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Journalists in the Kashmir Valley continued to be subjected to interrogation, harassment and unlawful detention by intelligence agencies. A Kashmiri journalist films as Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, speaks during a press conference in Srinagar on January 2, 2025. Credit: Firdous Nazir \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Who owns the media?<\/strong><\/h3>\nA free press is critically linked to media ownership, and every government attempts to institutionalise its support of its cronies, in return for a media that follows the official narrative.<\/p>\n
In Bangladesh, industrialists and politicians who were bestowed media licenses by the previous government still remain loyal to Sheikh Hasina\u2019s regime. This proximity of business interests of media owners with the government has long been a barrier to independent journalism. However, a new Media Reform Policy of 2025 drafted by the country\u2019s interim government is finally set to address this issue. Just how impactful the policy can be remains to be seen in a country where media freedom has been stymied for so long.<\/p>\n
The draft Media Transparency (And Accountability) Bill, 2024 in India is aimed at increasing transparency in ownership with the emergence of media monopolies; financial coercion through the misuse of the power to allocate government advertisements; and coercive actions against journalists by State and non-State actors. The bill is likely to be presented as a private member\u2019s bill in Parliament. A report by the Press Council of India\u2019s sub-committee on \u201cAdvertisements for print media\u201d in September 2024 recommended that allocation be made proportional to their circulation and other qualitative parameters.<\/p>\n
The 42 news outlets are unable to sustain themselves through private sector advertisements alone, leading to a worrying dependence on politicians, businessmen and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that is fraught with favouritism and lacks transparency. Moreover, financial dependence on SOEs has gone hand in hand with manipulation and leverage, shaping news reportage in unhealthy ways. In February 2025, Moosa Rasheed, a senior journalist at Mihaaru, the leading local newspaper, resigned in protest over alleged government influence.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan, government-issued advertisements continue to be a major revenue source for the media. The government reportedly allocated PKR 16 billion (USD 58.2m) in advertisements over the past five years.<\/p>\n
The decisions by the newly-elected Trump administration to dismantle the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) has had serious consequences for media in Afghanistan, leading to reduced funding for organisations such as Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty (RFE\/RL). These outlets have long provided independent news coverage to Afghanistan, and their funding cuts could weaken access to reliable information in the country.<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media. The Social and Cultural Affairs Committee is also tasked with reviewing media legislation and policies, assessing the impact of government interventions, and evaluating public perceptions of freedom and transparency. Its report is expected by May 3, 2025.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”7d273a9b-b3cd-4896-8734-4f1ffd2f6b4e” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n[\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n.jpg” title_text=”486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Aligning with the country\u2019s shifting media landscape, the Journalists Association of Bhutan held workshops on how to pitch stories related to climate change in Thimphu on March 24, 2025. Credit: JAB<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”4px||9px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_margin=”1px|||||” custom_padding=”||1px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Standing together<\/strong><\/h3>\nDespite the clampdowns within borders, innovative occupation of the airwaves ensures that a few critical voices are making themselves heard. Afghan journalists in exiled media outlets such as Radio Azadi<\/em>, Afghanistan International<\/em>, Etilaatroz, Zan Times<\/em>, and Hasht-e-Subh<\/em>, remain critical of the Taliban regime.<\/p>\nBangladeshi media in exile such as the Sweden-based Netra News, and Zulkarnain Saer Khan, a London-based investigative journalist in exile, have managed to expose abuse of power, rights violations and corruptions by leaders of Hasina\u2019s party and civil and military officials associated with her government through his social media platforms.<\/p>\n
In November 2024, journalist bodies in the Maldives mobilised around concerns related to media regulation, opposing the move to merge the media council and broadcasting commission through Maldives Media and Broadcasting Commission Bill or grounds that the would erode the self-regulatory aspect. The proposed legislation was dubbed the \u2018Media Control Bill\u2019 and a campaign, an exhibition of people\u2019s power, with the slogan \u2018Hatharehge Hagguugai\u2019 asserting citizen power. Political will, not laws alone can enable the media to evolve with professionalism and independence.<\/p>\n
In Nepal, the merger of the state-owned Nepal Television and Radio Nepal into the National Public Service Broadcasting Agency was welcomed, since this reform has been a decades-long demand. Former FNJ president Mahendra Bista was appointed as the first chairperson of the new entity.<\/p>\n
Policy changes backed by financial investment proved to be of immense support to Pakistan\u2019s media community working in some of the most challenging environments in the region. The provincial governments of Balochistan, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa put down enhanced amounts to journalists\u2019 welfare funds and to develop press clubs in the province \u2013 crucial hubs for the media community.<\/p>\n
These concrete steps towards enhancing journalists\u2019 rights stand as an example of multi-stakeholder action and vigorous solidarity in the journalist community.<\/p>\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”4_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
Click here to download pdf of Overview and Special Reports<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Feature Section” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#e5e5e5″ module_alignment=”center” min_height=”238px” height=”331px” max_height=”486px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|-3px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” top_divider_style=”arrow2″ top_divider_color=”#FFFFFF” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”1_3,1_3,1_3″ admin_label=”Stats” _builder_version=”4.16″ width=”77.3%” custom_padding=”115px||||false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Media Rights Violations” number=”250″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#999999″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” hover_enabled=”0″ global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_enabled=”0″][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Jailed or Detained” number=”69″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#E09900″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Killings” number=”20″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#FF0000″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNOverviewA Turbulent Year South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"\r\n
[et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" fullwidth=\"on\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\"][et_pb_fullwidth_slider admin_label=\"Fullwidth Slider\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"50px\" header_letter_spacing=\"7px\" background_image=\"http:\/\/x7t.a3b.myftpupload.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_position=\"center\" module_alignment=\"center\" min_height=\"590px\" animation_style=\"fade\" auto=\"on\"][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_93J7LL-Dissolution-of-parliament-Nepal-protest-Prakash-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/NEP_000_92U7LM-Mock-funeral-for-sexual-assaults-PRAKASH-MATHEMA-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_94J2MF-Tashnuva-Anan-Shishir-Bangladesh-transgender-news-host-Munir-Uz-zaman-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/BANG_000_93Z8WT-Bangladesh-protest-Mushtaq-Ahmed-Munir-death-in-custody-UZ-ZAMAN-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/Maldives\/A-Covid-19-press-briefing-by-President-Solih-on-June-23-Credit-President_s-Office-2-scaled.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/AFG000_94J2MK-International-womens-day-Afghanistan-WAKIL-KOHSAR-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/OV_000_8RX38L-Amritsar-protest-against-agriculture-reform-bills-NARINDER-NANU-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][et_pb_slide heading=\"Truth in a time of contagion\" use_bg_overlay=\"on\" bg_overlay_color=\"rgba(0,0,0,0.43)\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" body_font_size=\"30px\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" background_enable_color=\"on\" background_image=\"http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/04\/LAW_000_8Z94D9-Afghan-President-Ashraf-Ghani-arrives-in-Herat-January-2021-HOSHANG-HASHIMI-AFP.jpg\" background_enable_image=\"on\" global_colors_info=\"{}\" sticky_transition=\"on\"]The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" min_height=\"1286.7px\" custom_margin=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\"][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" min_height=\"131px\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"57px|||||\" border_style_all=\"none\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" min_height=\"65px\" border_width_bottom=\"5px\" border_style_bottom=\"solid\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]Overview<\/strong><\/h2>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=\"1_4\" admin_label=\"quote\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" animation_style=\"fade\"][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"3px|||||\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" width=\"97.3%\" min_height=\"1217px\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]<\/h1>\r\nPandemic, the Press and the New Digital Order<\/h3>\r\n
As the second wave of the Covid pandemic surged across South Asia in early 2021, journalists found themselves in the thick of the storm, without a safety net and scant institutional support. Battling not only the deadly virus, they mounted stiff resistance to states trying to control the narrative and plaster over the horrific reality. Journalists breaking stories of rising deaths, collapsing health systems and unpreparedness and mismanagement at the highest levels of government were silenced, hounded, arrested and penalised.<\/p>\r\n
Even as journalists also mourned the loss of their colleagues and family members, they continued to work in the most challenging circumstances to publicise the truth. They reported from the frontlines without adequate protective equipment, exposing themselves to infection to tell stories of the suffering in hospitals, in graveyards and crematoria. Many fell ill, many others continue to suffer from the long-term impacts of the Covid syndrome. Hundreds of others succumbed, unsung heroic storytellers of the apocalypse that engulfed them.<\/p>\r\n
To many others continued to tell one of the biggest stories of our times, while also enduring salary cuts and delays in wage payments, denial of protective personal equipment, medical insurance or reimbursement of massive medical bills to treat Covid contracted in the line of duty. Huge numbers of media workers were also rendered jobless or forced to resign in the wake of economic impacts of Covid-19. reeling under arrests and cases of sedition and terror, unrelenting trolling and abuse online, they wrote on. Some wrote on, even without a job or payment.<\/p>\r\n
Charges of \u201canti-national\u201d, \u201cagainst national security\u201d were widely used to curb dissent through archaic laws of sedition and colonial era laws of epidemic control. With courts admitting petitions challenging the constitutionality of some of these laws, there is reason to hope for change.<\/p>\r\n
The raging pandemic, accompanying lockdowns and economic crises were only piled on to existing barriers that the region\u2019s journalists already faced. Physical attacks and intimidation, lack of access to information, control and censorship; sharpened ethnic and religious cleavages; legal repercussions for their stories and an overall precarity of the media. Impunity for crimes against journalists continued, despite small gains. Yet, journalists bore witness and told the stories that needed to be told, with professional integrity, compassion and deep humanity.<\/p>\r\n
Regional trends<\/h3>\r\nTightening regulation and digital controls<\/h4>\r\n
Controlling the flow of information seemed to be an overriding preoccupation of governments across the region. From reigning in the burgeoning independent digital media and clamping down on critical voices on social media, governments and social media platforms fell short of upholding freedom of expression at a critical juncture.<\/p>\r\n
At a time when the free flow of information was literally a matter of life and death, governments intolerant of critical questions, tended to use the pandemic as a pretext to curb information, and any opinion that was deemed \u201canti-government\u201d. Social media presented a particular anxiety for governments trying to curb dissent, and unfortunately, social media giants did not adequately protect citizen\u2019s right to free speech, instead complying with unreasonable takedown notices from governments.<\/p>\r\n
Pakistan<\/strong> suffered under the harshest clampdown on dissent by any government. Media rights and freedom of expression took a severe beating, with the government seemingly leaping at the opportunity to deprive the media of both freedom and funds, driving an already beleaguered media industry into deeper crisis.\u00a0 The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) which criminalises free speech and gives overarching powers to law enforcement authorities, was overused in Pakistan to clamp down on free speech. The media, political opponents, activists and members of the public found the boundaries of free speech indiscriminately scrunched in violation of constitutional guarantees.<\/p>\r\nArbitrary blocking of independent websites, internet and communication shutdowns were regularly deployed to censor the media. This inevitably led to the proliferation of misinformation \u2013 which Pakistan could ill-afford in the midst of not only the pandemic, but civil strife and political upheaval.\u00a0 Cutting off connectivity in politically sensitive areas in an attempt to censor news had other adverse effects during the lockdown, mainly on health and education.<\/p>\r\n
In Bangladesh<\/strong>, it took the tragic custodial death in February 2021, of writer Mushtaq Ahmed incarcerated for ten months and repeatedly denied bail, to once more shine the spotlight on the draconian Digital Security Act (DSA) which has been widely used against journalists, bloggers and citizens to penalise free speech and critical opinion. The lone Cyber Crimes Tribunal, reeling under a staggering pending case load can barely manage due process in hearing cases, leave aside render justice.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, besides the time-honoured tactic of internet shutdowns to cut communications, the newly promulgated Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 gave the government the power to censor, order takedowns and block content without any recourse to appeal. Independent digital platforms termed the rules not just unconstitutional, but a blow to democracy itself, and have challenged this attempt at over-regulation in the highest court in the country. In addition to its attempt to control independent digital media, fast emerging as major players in the media landscape, the Indian government came down strongly on social media expression deemed to be critical of the government\u2019s handling of the pandemic. In the same vein, the new media Policy in Jammu and Kashmir (downgraded from state to centrally administered union territory in April 2019), issued in June 2020, was immediately viewed with disquiet by journalists, given that it empowers government officers to take action on \u201cfake news\u201d or \u201canti-national content\u201d.<\/p>\r\nAllegations of misinformation and rumour mongering were thrown at journalists and even citizens exposing the horrific ground reality of acute shortage of medical supplies, oxygen, overflowing hospitals and crematoria. Significantly, while content critical of the government was taken down, virulent hate speech against minorities and misogynist speech online thrived in India. Social media platforms Twitter and Facebook too succumbed to takedown requests by the government, failing to stand up for free speech.<\/p>\r\n
Across the region, governments displayed a remarkable disrespect towards the media, and took steps to increase regulation. In Nepal<\/strong>, the government moved ahead with tougher bills and regulations such as the Media Council Bill, the Public Service Broadcasting Bill, the Information Technology Bill, and the Special Service Bill \u2013 all of which have clauses that could undermine press freedom. The clampdown on social media has been proposed on pretexts of the \u201ccountry\u2019s sovereignty, security, unity or harmony\u201d. The Media Council Bill could erode the autonomy of the media, with government-appointed regulators, a provision that has been vehemently opposed by media rights organisations.<\/p>\r\nThe international norm of self-regulation by media was also violated in Sri Lanka<\/strong>, where in January 2021, the Cabinet of Ministers proposed to amend the Press Council Law to include electronic and new media and approved a proposal to \u2018structurally reform and reorganise\u2019 the Press Council to cover electronic and new media. The move was criticised by the Professional Web Journalists' Association which argued that the electronic and new media should be not controlled, but self-regulated with a stringent code of ethics developed by the media community itself.<\/p>\r\nLivelihood in peril<\/h4>\r\n
The pandemic year was also witness to dramatic loss of jobs in the media, across the region. Over 8,000 of Pakistan\u2019s<\/strong> estimated 20,000 journalists <\/span>lost their jobs in 2020<\/a> alone, and rural and district staff were more likely to be retrenched.<\/span><\/p>\r\nJournalists, mainly through the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), remained up in arms for most of the year and in early 2021 launched an \u201cenough is enough\u201d campaign across the country to protest job losses, pay cuts, censorship and rising intimidation. The media industry found new external supporters, including the legal community and civil society in institutional and organised partnerships with PFUJ to jointly resist the rising attacks on media freedoms, journalists\u2019 rights and public interest journalism in Pakistan.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, which saw a series of retrenchments from March 2020 onwards, there are no clear numbers of the job losses or salary cuts. <\/span>Estimates<\/a> put the figures in the thousands. Besides layoffs, salary cuts and delays in payments, media houses also threatened to sack staff if they wanted to work from home. The obstinacy of many managements led to staff in some media houses getting infected with the coronavirus en masse. Journalists from the regional press were harder hit, with fewer paying options than their English media counterparts. <\/span><\/p>\r\n\u00a0<\/span>The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) took up more than 500 complaints relating to job loss and non-payment of salary in Nepal<\/strong>. A survey conducted by the <\/span>FNJ in September 2020, revealed the desperate state of Nepal\u2019s journalists: the earning of 40 percent of journalists was affected by the pandemic and the nationwide lockdowns and women journalists were more severely impacted. Several media houses in Kathmandu suspended publications, cut down broadcast hours and decreased the size of the newspapers. The revenue of 75 percent of the once vibrant radio sector decreased due to the pandemic.<\/p>\r\nThe story was no different in Bangladesh<\/strong> where an estimated 1,250 journalists lost their jobs and several thousand faced salary cuts or irregular payments. While media owners blamed the pandemic for the drop in revenue and resultant salary cuts, trade unionists say that irregular payments were a norm of a section of media houses which then grasped at the pandemic as a justification to deny journalists their rights.<\/p>\r\nThe pandemic crisis however, only added to existing pressures that journalists across the region face. A major threat being the increasing polarisation on communal lines.<\/span><\/p>\r\nRising Extremism<\/h4>\r\n
South Asia has ravaged by religious, ethnic and caste divides for decades, but the growing cleavages of the last few years have been unprecedented. With hyper-nationalist parties in power in many countries in the region drawing votes and support from religiously aligned groups, the polity too has been sharply divided. Minorities in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have been particularly vulnerable, in this context of majoritarian politics. These divisions have inevitably affected the media. While some sections have added to the problem by exacerbating divisions and amplifying hate, others have had to struggle to remain independent.<\/p>\r\n
Existing fault lines were exacerbated by external situations that are likely to impact the whole region. The proposed withdrawal of US-NATO troops from Afghanistan by the coming September is feared to increase the Taliban's influence in Afghanistan<\/strong>, a development that could have a ripple effect in the region in terms of encouraging radicalism. Hard worn democratic and secular gains could be pushed back, with a direct impact on the media and individual journalists. Likewise, growing communalism in India<\/strong>, encouraged by the government in power, has a dangerous spill over effect in the neighbourhood, contributing to more polarisation and the strengthening of extremist groups. The media cannot be immune from attack, even as it attempts to uphold constitutional values, and the rights of women, minorities and the marginalised.<\/p>\r\nReligion in the Maldives<\/strong> is a no-go topic in public discourse, and the fear of being labelled anti-Islam contributes to the journalists practicing self-censorship of forgoing bylines while reporting on extremism in the country. As part of official control, the Communications Authority of Maldives blocks websites with anti-Islamic content upon request by ministries and other agencies. Though social media use is growing, intimidation and deaths threats pose the greatest challenge for free expression online. The yet unsolved murders of journalist Ahmed Rilwan and blogger Yameen Rashid known for their vocal criticism of religious fundamentalism are grim reminders of the risks of speaking out for religious freedom or minority rights. In its World Report 2021, Human Rights Watch accused the government of failing to confront the influence of hard-line Islamist groups. \u201cOnline intimidation of human rights groups continued to have a chilling effect on civil society in 2020,\u201d and reiterated calls to tackle hate speech and violence online.<\/p>\r\nThe state response to tackling religious extremism however, often has serious implications for freedom of expression and civil rights. In Sri<\/strong> Lanka<\/strong>, the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalisation from Holding Violent Extremist Religious Ideology) Regulations were issued in march 2021, expanding on the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). Powers given to authorities to detain and \u2018rehabilitate\u2019 anyone who \u2018by words either spoken or intended to be read or by signs or by visible representations\u2019 causes the commission of violence or \u2018religious, racial or communal disharmony or feelings of ill will or hostility between different communities or racial or religious groups\u2019 is prone to misuse, fear activists. The spate of arrests in cases of hate speech, mostly of Tamil and Muslim minorities further reinforces this apprehension of selective use of power by law enforcement agencies.<\/p>\r\nWomen journalists in the firing line<\/h4>\r\n
The rampant vitriol and violence online were particularly targeted at women journalists in the region. Pakistani<\/strong> women journalists had a rough year, facing unrelenting abuse by organised troll armies, many backed by members of the ruling party, prompting them to release a petition taking the government to account. Similar was the case across the border in India<\/strong>, where online abuse took a heavy toll in an already stressful year of the pandemic. Sexist abuse, misogyny and spillover of online to offline stalking and violence became the price that women journalists paid for speaking out.<\/span><\/p>\r\nThe marginalised existence of women journalists in South Asia\u2019s media community is itself one of the factors contributing to precarity. A report released in early 2020 by the South Asia Women\u2019s Network, showed that women accounted for only 29 per cent of staff in Maldives<\/strong> media organisations. Only five per cent leadership roles were occupied by women. Paradoxically, the enrolment of women in journalism courses in the Maldives was higher than men at 3:1. This data begs the question: where do these professional women vanish? The answer probably lies in another finding of the study: women face immense discrimination, harassment and bullying at the workplace.<\/p>\r\nNepali<\/strong> women journalists too faced character assassination, body shaming, speculation about sexual links with prominent men, with women journalists from marginalised communities such as Madhesi and Dalit are more intensive attack. Women journalists fought back, and refused to be silenced, speedily blocking abusers, reporting them and also using aliases to move forward and express themselves online.<\/p>\r\nPatchy access to information<\/h4>\r\n
Almost all countries in South Asia sought to tighten controls over access to information, denying journalists a basic tool for accurate reporting. In Afghanistan<\/strong>, despite an Access to Information Law passed in 2014 and amended in 2018, there are barriers to information access. The setting up of an independent Information Access Commission with 65 government-level departments to assist in the transfer of information from government offices to the media, is potentially a step towards easing access. However, implementation remains a question, given other moves that restrict access, for example the 2020 restrictions authorising only governors to share information with the media, thus creating huge bottlenecks. Moreover, with the imminent withdrawal of the US-NATO troops in the coming year, the barriers to accessing information regarding the opaque agencies of security, justice and peace will undoubtedly impact credible reporting at this crucial juncture.<\/p>\r\nIn Bhutan<\/strong>, access to information is still wrapped up in red-tape and complicated bureaucratic procedure in a hierarchical set up, necessitating permissions to record videos or take a photo. Besides media persons, researchers and scholars in Bhutan are also coming up against the same obstacles. Free speech and expression as well as pursuit of research are thus impeded by official barriers.<\/p>\r\nDespite the passage of the Right to Information Act in the Maldives<\/strong> six years ago, a culture of secrecy persists and journalists are hard put to access information from certain state agencies. A survey by the Human Rights Commission of Maldives released in December 2020 showed that a majority of people were dissatisfied with access to official information and only 36 percent found the right to information law to have been helpful.<\/p>\r\nIn India<\/strong>, the repercussions of the 2019 amendments to the once robust Right to Information Act could be seen during the pandemic when access to information was vital \u2013 access to data on funds, vaccine roll out and health infrastructure was repeatedly blocked by official agencies and the Central Information Commission did little to enable the flow of critical information.<\/p>\r\nLikewise, Sri Lanka<\/strong> too witnessed the dilution of its Right to Information Commission, which could affect its independent functioning.<\/p>\r\nWelcome pushback<\/h4>\r\n
\u00a0<\/em><\/strong>Despite the relentless battles on several fronts, while struggling to stay afloat, South Asian journalists valiantly put up a resistance to the onslaught on media rights in all countries of the region. Challenges in court, mobilising and collective action despite the restrictions in mobility and the overwhelming public health crisis, were evidence of a spirited defiance.<\/p>\r\nThe attempt to control the digital space by governments in several countries in the region was met with a heartening push back. In Pakistan,<\/strong> independent online journalism platforms together formed the Digital Media Alliance of Pakistan (DigiMAP<\/a>) to challenge and resist the state\u2019s increasing authoritarianism on national dialogues initiated by grassroots communities. DigiMAP represents the emerging bold new ecosystem of independent media start-ups that have taken it upon themselves to champion the cause of public interest journalism that the legacy media has been forced to surrender before an increasingly hostile state. DigiMAP also put out a strong statement<\/a> against the new digital regulations.<\/p>\r\nDespite the burgeoning digital media in India<\/strong> and its vital role in promoting independent journalism, there was until now no single body representing the digital news media. Eleven digital media organisations came together in October 2020 to launch the DIGIPUB News India Foundation \u201cto represent, amplify and evolve best practices to build a robust digital news ecology that is truly world-class, independent and upholds the highest standards of journalism,\u201d One of its first actions was to challenge the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 in court, as an infringement of freedom of expression.<\/p>\r\n
[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n
A Turbulent Year<\/h3>\n
South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens were among those leading phenomenal pushbacks against entrenched authoritarian regimes, voting out incumbent governments and expressing unified dissatisfaction with misgovernance, corruption and overreach. Amid the upheaval, the media played a critical role in amplifying people\u2019s aspirations and speaking truth to the powerful.<\/p>\n
The most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh<\/strong>, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule. Hopes are now pinned on the country\u2019s new Chief Adviser Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to help rebuild state institutions, revive the economy, restore human rights and press freedom and combat the deeply entrenched communal polarisation and a newly emboldened right-wing.\u00a0<\/p>\n In Sri Lanka<\/strong>, the natural next step on from the people\u2019s movement of 2022 came with a major political shift achieved through the ballot in the September 2024 presidential election. The victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, of the left of centre National People’s Power (NPP) or Jathika Jana Balawegaya, followed by the party\u2019s definitive victory in November\u2019s parliamentary elections signified a departure from the country\u2019s deep-rooted dynastic rule under the Rajapaksa family, characterised by authoritarianism, corruption and economic chaos. The new president, known widely as AKD, has cast himself as a disruptor to the status quo for his anti-corruption platform and pro-poor policies in the wake of the country\u2019s worst ever economic crisis, which is still having an impact on millions.<\/p>\n In Pakistan<\/strong>, political instability and intervention by the military apparatus in virtually every area of public space, was clearly evident during and following the national election in February 2024. Fraught with political repression and violence, the national elections were heavily tainted by allegations of rigging, voter suppression and technicalities that resulted in the deregistering of one major political party. When a post-election alliance brought to power two dynastic parties that had won fewer seats individually, the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) took to the streets in months-long, and often violent agitations that left many dead and injured. Ranked at 124, Pakistan\u2019s democracy ranking fell by six spots in the year to be listed among the top 10 worst performers in the Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit released in February 2025. The Democratic Index now firmly terms Pakistan as no longer a democracy, but an authoritarian regime.<\/p>\n In Bhutan<\/strong>, a quiet but firm political upheaval resulted in the country decisively voting out the incumbent government and choosing to unequivocally place faith in one of the country\u2019s oldest political parties, the 18-year-old People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The role of the media in voter literacy in a country where about half the population is under 25 years old, cannot be underestimated.<\/p>\n The atoll nation of the Maldives<\/strong> saw a peaceful transfer of power via the ballot, with the parliamentary elections of April 2024 again ushering in a government of the ruling People\u2019s National Congress with a thumping majority. While the electorate\u2019s message was in favour of stability, a weakened opposition has raised concerns about arming the new president, Mohamed Muizzu, with both executive and legislative control. Unchecked power has never boded well for freedom of the press, particularly in the case of the Maldives.<\/p>\n The Indian<\/strong> electorate returned the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power with a reduced majority. But hopes that the diminished numbers would temper aggressive and non-consultative policies have not been upheld.<\/p>\n Instability and shifting coalition dynamics marked Nepal\u2019s<\/strong> political scene in the past year. A fragmented parliament with no clear winners after the election in January 2024 ultimately led to KP Sharma Oli, forming a coalition government with the centrist Nepali Congress in July 2024. It marks his fourth tenure as the country\u2019s prime minister. But fragile alliances and ongoing political instability in the country, including a resurgence of a pro-monarchy movement, have so far plagued attempts at legislative action, including long awaited amendments to policies and laws related to the media.<\/p>\n Amid the hope engendered by political change in its neighbourhood, Afghanistan\u2019s<\/strong> media faced yet another year of plummeting press freedom with the country now sitting just two places from the bottom of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index. Hard fought achievements over recent decades on access to information, media funding and viability, as well as gender equity and plurality are now all but erased. Yet Afghan journalists continued to cling tenaciously to hope, endeavouring to operate within a media landscape of heightened restrictions, especially for women.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”zoom” scroll_fade_enable=”on” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240806__36AG8JF__v2__Preview__TopshotIndiaBangladeshUnrestStudents.jpg” title_text=”INDIA-BANGLADESH-UNREST-STUDENTS” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n The ousting of iron-fisted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh had ripple effects across the region and strained ties with neighbouring India. Hindus make up almost ten per cent of Bangladesh’s 174 million people. After the embattled leader fled to India, the post-Hasina power vacuum also led to increased violence against members of the Hindu minority community. A vendor hangs a newspaper along a roadside in Hyderabad, India, on August 6, 2024. Credit: Noah Seelam \/ AFP<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||17px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Across the region, the digital space continued to offer immense opportunities to expose corruption and human rights violations and challenge mainstream and official narratives. Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. The problem remains, however, with maintaining professional standards and editorial verification processes.<\/p>\n In Pakistan, the passage in January 2025 of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act (PECA) was met with vehement protests, hunger strikes and demonstrations across the country. Ostensibly created to combat \u2018fake news\u2019, the law has been termed \u201cdraconian\u201d and an assault on free speech. Amended provisions to allow third-party legal entities to lodge complaints with the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), raised concerns about suppression of dissent.<\/p>\n In February 2025, during her visit to Pakistan, IFJ president, Dominique Pradalie, joined union leaders in a protest march in Islamabad against the controversial amendments to the PECA Act, urging Pakistani authorities to uphold freedom of expression, and repeal the PECA Act.<\/p>\n India globally ranks second after China in terms of internet users, now estimated at more than 806 million individuals. With social media user<\/a><\/span> penetration at 34 per cent, the elections to parliament and several state assemblies in 2024 presented an opportunity for social media to fill gaps that mainstream media seemed hesitant to cover. The massive surge in digital advertising spending testified to the role of social media marketing, with the total election budget for political parties collectively reaching INR 13,000 crore (approximately USD 1.5 billion) across various media platforms. The ruling BJP had the most prominent online presence, using social media and artificial intelligence (AI) driven tools, influencers and even paid trolls to target opponents, human rights activists and journalists. But other parties are fast catching up. These new avenues for dissent were also spaces that strongly peddled misinformation.<\/p>\n The Global Risks Report<\/a><\/span> 2024, released by the World Economic Forum, currently ranks misinformation and disinformation as the number one risk now facing the world. Distorted and manipulated information, which has become increasingly easier with AI enabled tools, will continue to have far reaching impacts, it warns.<\/p>\n Reflecting the global trend, alarmingly though not unexpectedly, social media platforms in India were also used to spew hate and polarise communities. A report<\/a><\/span> \u2018Social Media and Hate Speech in India\u2019 of the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate (CSOH) identified Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, Telegram, and X (formerly Twitter) as key drivers enabling, amplifying, and mainstreaming hate speech and extremist ideologies, spreading Hindu nationalist ideology and anti-minority rhetoric.\u00a0<\/p>\n Government overreach and control was visible in the number of takedowns of YouTube – the highest<\/a><\/span> globally over the last three months of 2024, for ostensibly violating \u201ccommunity guidelines\u201d. \u2018Sahayog\u2019, a portal launched in March 2025 to facilitate co-ordinated action on cybercrime, has come in for criticism by some of the major platforms. Elon Musk, owner of social media platform X has termed it a tool of censorship and refused to join the portal.<\/p>\n In another small pushback, on September 20, 2024, the Bombay High Court struck down the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2023, which allowed the Central Government to form a Fact-Check Unit to identify online content regarding government business as \u201cfake, false, or misleading\u201d.<\/p>\n Internet shutdowns continue to be another way of turning off the switch on information sharing that is unpalatable to governments. According to digital rights advocacy group Access Now, for the first time since 2018, India with a total of 84 internet shutdowns in 2024 was not ranked first in internet shutdown orders, following Myanmar this year with 85 shutdowns. Shutdowns were done on various pretexts: communal conflict, protests and instability, to prevent cheating in exams, and elections, with Manipur and Kashmir facing the highest number of shutdowns.<\/p>\n In Pakistan\u2019s elections there was a significant shift toward social media for campaigning, alongside traditional rallies and meetings. But the proliferation and ease of dissemination came with attendant problems of extreme polarisation, trolling and abuse. Disinformation and deepfakes muddied the waters and invited typical government responses of bans and suspensions of platforms and slowing down internet services.<\/p>\n During the Sri Lankan parliamentary and presidential elections in 2024, digital platforms became vehicles for misinformation and online abuse, with the Election Commission as well as tech giants standing by helplessly. Women candidates were exposed to malicious social media attacks, undermining their right to public office.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250131__36WN6XY__v1__HighRes__PakistanMediaDisinformation-compressed” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Amendments to Pakistan\u2019s Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) were met with nationwide protests by journalists and freedom of expression activists. The PECA law presents a clear battleground for the media with the amendments effectively criminalising online disinformation. Leaders and activists of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists protest in Karachi on January 31, 2025. Credit: Rizwan Tabassum \/ AFP<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n The rapid entry of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in newsrooms in South Asia has forced a hasty appraisal of its possibilities and challenges. \u2018<\/em>Media Metamorphosis: AI and Bangladeshi Newsrooms 2024\u2019, a study conducted by the Media Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) found that, while 51 per cent of journalists have utilised AI tools, only 20 per cent of news organisations have institutionalised its use. ChatGPT was the most popular tool, accounting for 78 per cent of all usage.<\/p>\n While the impact of AI in Indian newsrooms has yet to be studied systematically, there is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/p>\n AI may not have taken off yet in Sri Lankan newsrooms, but in May 2024, state broadcaster Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) made history by using two AI versions of Chaminda Gunarathne and Nishadi Bandaranayake, two of SLRC\u2019s most popular news anchors,\u00a0taking a significant step in the use of AI tech in Sinhala language newscasting<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\n Newsrooms in Pakistan are increasingly using AI to enhance professionalism, but the impact of this transition on jobs and the media economy has yet to be systematically studied. The first country in South Asia to introduce a policy and legal framework to promote ethical and responsible use of AI is Pakistan. The country\u2019s Ministry of Information Technology and Telecommunications released a draft National AI Policy in May 2023, while the Senate introduced the “Regulation of Artificial Intelligence Act 2024,” to regulate AI, mitigate associated risks, and penalise violations.<\/p>\n But even as governments and other stakeholders in South Asia confront the challenges of AI, make policies and draw up legal guidelines, one thing is clear: any regulatory framework must be undergirded by the ethics and morality of social justice and be strongly informed by the media sector as a key stakeholder.<\/p>\n Reporting on the people\u2019s uprising in Bangladesh came with a heavy price. Security forces shot dead four journalists and one was hacked to death by anti-government protesters in the three weeks of mass uprising in July 2024.<\/p>\n Pakistan bore witness to the most violent year for journalists in the country in two decades with eight journalists killed in the period under review. Most were shot by unidentified assailants, and one was caught in sectarian crossfire while reporting. The rapid declines in journalist safety and the high death toll once again places Pakistan as the deadliest country in Asia-Pacific for media workers.<\/p>\n The horrific murder of Mukesh Chandrakar in Bastar in Central India illustrated the hazards of reporting from conflict zones and exposing corruption. Abducted, murdered and buried in a septic tank, his body was discovered on January 2, 2025.<\/p>\n In Nepal, cameraperson Suresh Rajak of Avenues Television was burnt to death on March 28, 2025, while reporting atop a building in Kathmandu set alight by protestors during a violent pro-monarchy demonstration. The case once more underlined the real and present dangers for media workers on the frontline of political protests and civil unrest.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_divider show_divider=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”19px” custom_margin=”||20px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_divider][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”749.8px” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/240808-Rilwan.jpg” title_text=”240808 Rilwan” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” background_color=”RGBA(0,0,0,0)” min_height=”529px” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Repeated investigative failures continue to deny justice for Maldivian blogger and journalist Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, who was forcibly disappeared by extremists on August 8, 2014. On the tenth anniversary of his abduction and murder, the Maldives Journalist Association (MJA) called for justice and a public enquiry. Impunity for the crime has prompted continued self- censorship in the media. Credit: MJA<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n The mighty task of tackling ever increasing levels of impunity for crimes against journalists and media workers has so far eluded most governments of South Asia. Even in the stronger democracies, a failure to bring such perpetrators to justice is a blight that continues to plague the region.<\/p>\n The interim government in Bangladesh is now confronted by the expansive debris of human rights violations left by Sheikh Hasina\u2019s government. A 2025 report<\/a><\/span> by the UN Human Rights Office estimates the number of deaths during the uprising at around 1,400 \u2013 around 13 per cent of them children \u2013 and thousands more injured between July 15 and August 5, 2024. A significant majority was shot by security forces.\u00a0The report pointed to a media blackout enforced by the intelligence and security agencies through fear and intimidation to supress news of the brutalities on the ground. \u201cThere are reasonable grounds to believe hundreds of extrajudicial killings, extensive arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture, were carried out with the knowledge, coordination and direction of the political leadership and senior security officials as part of a strategy to suppress the protests,\u201d it said.<\/p>\n In August 2024, on the tenth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of blogger Ahmed Rilwan, human rights and press freedom groups called on the Maldives\u2019 new government to publicly disclose the long-demanded findings of a deaths and disappearances commission set up in 2019. The tardy prosecution in this pivotal case of key national interest has undoubtedly prompted continued self-censorship in the media regarding any matters that might be termed as anti-Islamic.<\/p>\n Small steps were taken to tackle impunity in Nepal with the passage in August 2024 of an amendment to the Enforced Disappearance Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act. Nepal saw the killings of 23 journalists during its decade-long insurgency (1996-2006), and proper investigation and action against perpetrators is still awaited. However, the amendment is unlikely to provide adequate justice to the families of the killed journalists due to loopholes and inconsistency with international law. The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has currently rated the civic space in Nepal as \u2018obstructed\u2019 on account of continuing violations of civil rights including arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and the targeting of journalists.<\/p>\n The struggle for justice for Sri Lankan cartoonist and journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda who was abducted and forcibly disappeared in 2010 continues. Likewise, 16 years on from his murder, justice continues to elude Lasantha Wickrematunge, the slain editor of The Sunday Leader<\/em>. Following public protests, Sri Lanka\u2019s Attorney General revoked his own recommendation to release three suspects linked to the journalist\u2019s murder. Among other long-running cases of killings and attacks documented during the war, criminal investigators finally arrested two ex-army intelligence personnel in connection with the abduction and torture of senior journalist Keith Noyahr in May 2008.<\/p>\n In March 2025, the Sri Lankan government tabled the long-suppressed Batalanda Commission Report in Parliament, addressing alleged state-sponsored human rights violations, including illegal detentions and torture, during the 1988\u20131990 period of civil unrest. While the timing of the tabling of the report has been questioned, it allows hope that accountability for decades-old crimes may be fixed. The wheels of justice indeed turn slowly.<\/p>\n The civil war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009, but its repercussions continue to be felt. Tamil journalists are still singled out for harassment by both state and non-state actors. Evidencing this, journalists from the North of the country presented<\/a><\/span> a memo in June 2024 to the UNHCR in Jaffna calling for a UN-led process to monitor violence against journalists in the country.\u00a0 Responding to government edicts prohibiting memorials to Tamil journalists and human rights defenders, in May 2024, Amnesty International issued a statement calling for justice for war victims and the right to mourn and to memorialisation. In northern Sri Lanka, the Mullaitivu Media Forum marked the 24th<\/sup> anniversary of the killing of senior Jaffna-based journalist Mylvaganam Nimalrajan, calling for an international investigation into crimes against journalists. It emphasised that the lack of closure perpetuated impunity and enabled perpetrators to continue without any fear of reprisals.<\/p>\n Sheikh Hasina\u2019s dramatic exit from Bangladesh further emboldened opposition-supported miscreants to target journalists, particularly in areas outside the capital, Dhaka. As many as 99 journalists were injured in 51 separate incidents through to March 2025, with 47 attacks outside of Dhaka, mostly by members of the Bangladesh National Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami.<\/p>\n According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests. Anger over news coverage led mobs to go on a rampage against individual journalists. Press clubs, newspaper offices and television studios were also attacked, equipment destroyed, broadcasts halted, and staff intimidated. The full number of these attacks is not known.<\/p>\n In Afghanistan, the AFJC<\/em> recorded at least 172 violations against journalists and media outlets for the year up to March 2025. Its reporting highlights a 24 per cent increase in media rights violations compared to the previous year and reflects the worsening conditions for journalists and media organisations, as restrictions on press freedom continue to tighten. Meanwhile, Afghan journalists who have fled to neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, continue to face legal uncertainties, financial struggles, persecution, legal harassment and professional isolation.<\/p>\n The Federation of Nepali Journalists\u2019 (FNJ) monitoring mechanism recorded a total of 47 incidents of press freedom violations, including attacks, threats and harassment, both online and offline, by a range of perpetrators including government functionaries. The arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, chairperson and owner of two prominent national dailies, Kantipur and Kathmandu Post, and a radio and television station over issues related to his citizenship seemed a clear case of intimidation and retribution by the then-deputy prime minister, Rabi Lamichhane, who was unhappy over reporting about him.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”-4px||-14px|-25px||” global_module=”2093″ saved_tabs=”all” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][et_pb_divider show_divider=”off” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” min_height=”25px” custom_margin=”||-1px|||” custom_padding=”||0px|0px||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_divider][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240830__36EX63T__v1__Preview__FilesBangladeshPolitics” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Bangladesh\u2019s journalists faced harassment, arrests, and heavy restrictions while covering national anti-government demonstrations in 2024. Students protesting near Dhaka University in Bangladesh\u2019s capital on August 12, 2024, demanded accountability and a trial for Bangladesh’s ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Credit: Luis Tato \/ AFP<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.20.2″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”7px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Across the region, governments attempted to shape public discourse through their hold and influence on the media and its owners.<\/p>\n In Sri Lanka, the media was called out for supporting alleged divisive stands and openly promoting select candidates and amplifying these messages on social media. This invited a slate of take down notices from the Election Commission.<\/p>\n The false promises of ensuring press freedom made by the Taliban when they took on the reins of power in Afghanistan in 2021 were quickly belied. News media in the country are, for the most part, forced to exist as a propaganda wing of the government, with independent journalism being all but crushed. Reports are closely monitored and rejected for non-compliance with the rules of the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, an agency set up in 1992 by the government under Burhanuddin Rabbani and now revived by the Taliban. Taboo subjects include women\u2019s rights, social justice and human rights.<\/p>\n A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts. Bans include: criticism of Taliban officials, women\u2019s voices, filming and recording video interviews with local officials, broadcasting of images of living beings, including animals. Additionally, terminology such as \u2018martyr\u2019 is required to be used when reporting Taliban casualties.<\/p>\n India\u2019s mainstream media continued to be reined in by repression or financial harassment via the foisting of legal cases or removing the non-profit status of some of its feistier media outlets. Control was also exercised through co-option and a system of rewards and incentives through advertisements. Analysis<\/a><\/span> by the BBC found that major news websites in the country published larger volumes of content mentioning the incumbent prime minister and his party, with editorials predicting his win. Attempting to legitimise sycophancy, the government of Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state in India, released the Digital Media Policy 2024 to not only regulate platforms with vague definitions of \u201canti-national\u201d content, but also to develop a retinue of paid influencers. The move was vehemently opposed by journalist bodies.<\/p>\n International correspondents in India faced ramped up efforts to control their reporting. Work permits of several foreign correspondents were cancelled on flimsy grounds, a move that was particularly suspect during election year.<\/p>\n A report, Unveiling Public Trust in the Maldivian Media\u2019 released in May 2024 found that 87 per cent of respondents held the media accountable for political divisions in the country with television and internet news websites perceived to have the highest levels of sensational or biased coverage. This was a clear wake-up call for the media to regain public trust in the atoll nation.<\/p>\n Access to information, one of the lodestones of credible journalism, has been steadily declining in various parts of the region.<\/p>\n Afghanistan, once ranked number one of 130 countries in terms of access to information, has rapidly plummeted under the Taliban. With stringent controls over information, blocking requests, especially by women journalists, the rights once guaranteed by the Access to Information Law have atrophied. A 2024 report by the Afghanistan Journalists Support Organization (AJSO) highlights that 38 per cent of women journalists cite gender discrimination as a major barrier to accessing information, while 33 per cent fear repercussions for exposing the truth. Furthermore, 58 per cent of women journalists have no legal recourse when their requests for information are denied, underscoring the failure of Afghanistan\u2019s current media system to uphold transparency.<\/p>\n In Bhutan, despite a government guideline issued in April 2024 to increase transparency and accountability, journalists reported that media spokespersons were variously unavailable or lacked the necessary information to handle media requests.<\/p>\n Upon assuming power in the Maldives, President Muizzu promised such high transparency in governance that the need to seek information would be redundant. However, this declaration has been belied, with the Attorney General\u2019s office challenging orders from the Information Commissioner to comply with right to information requests. Access to events and information was linked with proximity to the government, with critical news outlets like Adhadhu refused on coverage.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20240812__36DF7QR__v4__HighRes__AfghanistanAnniversaryTalibanMannequins” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Women\u2019s faces are concealed at a women’s clothing shop in Kabul, Afghanistan, after an order by the Taliban\u2019s \u2018Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice\u2019. The de-facto government took further action to exclude women in Afghanistan society, including banning women from speaking in public, acting in television programs, or having their voices heard on radio. Credit: Wakil Kohsar \/ AFP<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ min_height=”947.2px” custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Job insecurity was a running theme across the region. The period under review saw ever more journalists and media workers lose their livelihoods with media closures due to government interference, revenue losses and industry job shedding.<\/p>\n A March 2025 report by the independent non-profit Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC) reported that 22 outlets closed in the past twelve months. Several radio stations were allegedly shut down by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice because they played background music, or allowed women to call in during live programs, thereby crossing the Taliban\u2019s so-called “red lines.” The economic downturn also resulted in the suspension of licenses of 17 media outlets in Nangarhar due to unpaid debts. Many local media outlets are struggling to renew their licenses and even pay electricity bills and taxes. Journalists\u2019 unions in the country estimate that almost half of Afghanistan\u2019s 4,001 male <\/strong>and 747 female remaining journalists<\/strong> are working without salaries or employment benefits.<\/p>\n The major political realignments of the past year had a direct impact on the media in Bangladesh. Political retribution and perceived proximity to the ousted regime also led to mass sackings and forced resignations of senior editors, news chiefs and reporters.<\/p>\n India\u2019s media saw an almost 15 per cent rise in industry layoffs in 2024-2025. Almost 200 to 400 media professionals lost jobs across print, television, and digital newsrooms in the first six months of 2024, a trend that is likely to continue. Several prominent small and medium print outlets were also forced to close down due to the high cost of printing, diminishing circulation and decline in advertisement revenue. Media closures inevitably led to an erosion in standards of decent work for media workers.<\/p>\n In India, a significant threat to access to information emerged in the shape of an amendment to the Right to Information Act, which was introduced in the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, a law that is meant to uphold the right to privacy. However, blocking access to anything termed as \u201cpersonal information\u201d even if it is public interest, is likely to impact attempts enhance institutional accountability.<\/p>\n The lack of decent and timely wages for journalists was highlighted in the tragic case of Nepali journalist Shyam Sundar Pudasaini, 33. The young investigative journalist collapsed upon return from work, prompting inquiries over working conditions and non-payment of wages. He is not the first journalist to die on the job waiting for rightful wages to be paid. Unsurprisingly, , the long-awaited amendments to the Working Journalists Act and fixation of minimum wages once again came to the fore in media industry and union advocacy.<\/p>\n A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions. With labour laws in dire reform to include the digital sphere, a whole section of media workers remains out in the cold, with no protections.<\/p>\n Unpaid salaries and wage theft in Pakistan is the most critical industry issues affecting the media sector in terms of the widespread and deeply entrenched nature of the problem dating back many years. The IFJ and the PFUJ continue to lobby on the issue, demanding solutions and holding media owners accountable. A hopeful breakthrough came in November 2024, when the Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting\u00a0of Pakistan\u2019s National Assembly finally addressed the issue of unpaid salaries for media workers and recommended stronger measures to safeguard their rights.<\/p>\n Restructuring measures aimed at streamlining state broadcasters in Sri Lanka are set to see a merger of Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and Independent Television Network. The move, aimed at getting the broadcasters out of massive debts, will also inevitably lead to more job losses in the beleaguered media sector which is yet to recover from post-pandemic downsizing.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250212__shrestha-studentu250212_npQve__v1__HighRes__StudentUnionHoldProtestAg-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n A demonstrator holds a placard protesting the new Social Media Bill tabled in Nepal\u2019s federal parliament on February 12, 2025. The controversial bill allows authorities to ban media platforms and remove content in violation of government conditions. Unions and media stakeholders say the provisions are a government attempt to impose censorship and curtail basic human rights. Credit: Subaas Shrestha \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n In Bangladesh, the replacement of the draconian Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act of 2006 with the Digital Security Act (DSA) in 2018, and then the Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), has not led to any substantial change on the ground. Journalist bodies continued to face repression under vaguely formulated provisions. Around 5,818 cases filed under the CSA and the previous two laws currently remain pending in the country’s eight cyber tribunals.<\/p>\n The interim government, responding to demands for repealing or amending repressive legislation, in December 2024 released a draft Cyber Protection Ordinance. Disappointingly, it seems very similar to the CSA, for example by penalising \u201churting religious sentiment\u201d with a jail term and fine. Terming the draft as \u201cconflicting to basic human rights,\u201d 100 distinguished citizens issued a joint statement in January 2025 demanding it also be scrapped.<\/p>\n Concerns remained over Sri Lanka\u2019s overly broad and vague Online Safety Act and its ability to severely curtail free expression. But even in the face of vehement opposition, an amendment bill was rushed through in August 2024, just ahead of the parliamentary election. In the run up to the presidential elections, a collective of 41 trade unions urged President Ranil Wickremesinghe to urgently repeal the OSA and other laws they say undermine democracy in Sri Lanka. Over 50 lawsuits are challenging the draft bill.<\/p>\n In India, the overuse of counter terror laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) as well as finance-related laws like the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) against media persons has tended to promote self-censorship. Kashmiri journalists have also borne the brunt of state repression with many battling long drawn-out cases, with some serving jail terms for their reporting. Others are routinely summoned to police stations for verification, coerced into revealing sources, placed on no-fly lists, have their passports revoked or their homes raided.<\/p>\n Regulatory laws in India <\/span>such as the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill 2023 aimed at overhauling digital media regulations, continue to raise concerns about government overreach and potential censorship of OTT platforms and individual content creators. After backlash from independent media, the government withdrew a revised 2024 draft but reinstated the original 2023 version, keeping uncertainties alive over future regulatory controls.<\/span><\/p>\n After securing the parliamentary supermajority in the Maldives, the government proposed an amendment to the 2023 Evidence Act, which, among other concerns, allows courts to compel journalists to disclose anonymous sources in cases related to terrorism or national security. While the provision has not been enforced, the law still remains unchanged.<\/p>\n In Nepal, a heavy-handed approach to social media regulation saw the introduction in January 2025, of the Social Media Operation, Use and Regulation Bill. Critics argue that the bill, which criminalises online expression with harsh fines and jail terms, has potential to undermine freedom of expression and press freedom. The UNESCO review of the bill states that provisions of the bill contradict international standards and are not in line with constitutional mandates of transparency, accountability and a multi-stakeholder strategy of digital governance. The Media Council Bill, passed on February 10, 2025, though a moderate version of the earlier draft, still contains problematic provisions such as the government\u2019s appointments of most of the council members, undermining its independence.<\/p>\n Pakistan\u2019s Punjab Defamation Act 2024, with its vague and over broad definitions, makes violations punishable with massive fines, and tribunals can compel deemed offenders to issue an \u201cunconditional apology\u201d and direct regulatory bodies to block their social media accounts. Journalists\u2019 bodies termed the law \u201cdraconian\u201d and vigorously protested its enactment.<\/p>\n Some judicial pronouncements in India provide hope. Guaranteeing the right to free speech, on March 28, 2025, the Supreme Court of India stated that \u201creasonable restrictions\u201d on the right to free speech should not be unreasonable or used to trample on citizens’ rights.<\/p>\n Despite strides made in gender equity over the decades, India’s ranking<\/a><\/span> in the World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Gender Gap Report slipped another two places to 129 out of 146 countries, and is now the third-lowest in South Asia. Its media also reflects this imbalance. Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern. A survey<\/a><\/span> released in August 2024, revealed that over 60 per cent of women journalists were discriminated against at work based on their gender identity.<\/p>\n Likewise, India’s diverse ethnic and linguistic landscape is still not adequately reflected in its media, and regional languages are often overlooked in favour of Hindi and English, further limiting access to information. The representation of marginalised communities in the newsroom remains abysmal.<\/strong><\/p>\n Women journalists in the Maldives faced harassment on the job, most of it online. At an Internet Governance Forum in October 2024, journalists spoke about harassment reaching their families and some said they were avoiding investigative journalism as a result. The response by social media platforms is less than ideal, pointing to a need to localise interventions, for example, teaming up with Meta and X to improve hate speech detection in the national language, Dhivehi, to enable journalists to push back against online harassment.<\/p>\n The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) made history by electing a woman journalist, Nirmala Sharma, as its chairperson for the first time in its seven-decade-long existence. With nearly 30 years of experience in the print and electronic media in Nepal, Sharma\u2019s election comes after consistent capacity building and leadership training interventions by the women\u2019s councils of the FNJ.<\/p>\n A major gender mapping project across five regions of Pakistan by the Women\u2019s Media Forum Pakistan (WMFP) and supported by the IFJ in early 2025 revealed stark disparities, with representation as low as 3 per cent and stressed the need for intervention to increase gender equity. Globally women comprise only 24 per cent of news content, with Pakistan\u2019s representation even lower at 11 per cent. Participants advocated for reforms including equitable inclusion and a broader movement for gender parity within the Pakistani media.<\/p>\n The representation of women journalists\u2019 unions and press clubs in Pakistan\u2019s ten largest cities was abysmally low, according to a study conducted by the Women Journalists Association and Freedom Network in early 2025. Only two press clubs (Lahore and Islamabad) reported slightly more than ten per cent share of women in their member rolls. The inclusion of women in the federal union however saw some improvement, with four women leaders elected to the new Federal Executive Council of the PFUJ.<\/p>\n In January 2025, journalist Asma Sherazi fought back against the harassment directed at her and other women journalists, declaring \u201cenough is enough\u201d. A petition from the Digital Rights Foundation, calling for an end to the systematic harassment of orchestrated attacks against media professionals by political factions and their supporters was met with widespread support among the media.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_margin=”13px||-14px|-25px||” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min-scaled.jpg” title_text=”AFP__20250102__nazir-notitle250102_npxv3__v1__HighRes__OmarAbdullahSFirstPressConfer-min” force_fullwidth=”on” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”||5px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Journalists in the Kashmir Valley continued to be subjected to interrogation, harassment and unlawful detention by intelligence agencies. A Kashmiri journalist films as Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, speaks during a press conference in Srinagar on January 2, 2025. Credit: Firdous Nazir \/ NurPhoto \/ AFP<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”text” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_margin=”|auto|1px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”3px|||||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_padding=”||0px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n A free press is critically linked to media ownership, and every government attempts to institutionalise its support of its cronies, in return for a media that follows the official narrative.<\/p>\n In Bangladesh, industrialists and politicians who were bestowed media licenses by the previous government still remain loyal to Sheikh Hasina\u2019s regime. This proximity of business interests of media owners with the government has long been a barrier to independent journalism. However, a new Media Reform Policy of 2025 drafted by the country\u2019s interim government is finally set to address this issue. Just how impactful the policy can be remains to be seen in a country where media freedom has been stymied for so long.<\/p>\n The draft Media Transparency (And Accountability) Bill, 2024 in India is aimed at increasing transparency in ownership with the emergence of media monopolies; financial coercion through the misuse of the power to allocate government advertisements; and coercive actions against journalists by State and non-State actors. The bill is likely to be presented as a private member\u2019s bill in Parliament. A report by the Press Council of India\u2019s sub-committee on \u201cAdvertisements for print media\u201d in September 2024 recommended that allocation be made proportional to their circulation and other qualitative parameters.<\/p>\n The 42 news outlets are unable to sustain themselves through private sector advertisements alone, leading to a worrying dependence on politicians, businessmen and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that is fraught with favouritism and lacks transparency. Moreover, financial dependence on SOEs has gone hand in hand with manipulation and leverage, shaping news reportage in unhealthy ways. In February 2025, Moosa Rasheed, a senior journalist at Mihaaru, the leading local newspaper, resigned in protest over alleged government influence.<\/p>\n In Pakistan, government-issued advertisements continue to be a major revenue source for the media. The government reportedly allocated PKR 16 billion (USD 58.2m) in advertisements over the past five years.<\/p>\n The decisions by the newly-elected Trump administration to dismantle the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) has had serious consequences for media in Afghanistan, leading to reduced funding for organisations such as Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe\/Radio Liberty (RFE\/RL). These outlets have long provided independent news coverage to Afghanistan, and their funding cuts could weaken access to reliable information in the country.<\/p>\n In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media. The Social and Cultural Affairs Committee is also tasked with reviewing media legislation and policies, assessing the impact of government interventions, and evaluating public perceptions of freedom and transparency. Its report is expected by May 3, 2025.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ admin_label=”quote” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#FFFFFF” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” animation_style=”fade” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_blurb admin_label=”Blurb” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”7d273a9b-b3cd-4896-8734-4f1ffd2f6b4e” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_blurb][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_image src=”http:\/\/samsn.ifj.org\/SAPFR24-25\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n.jpg” title_text=”486520830_1063860502444123_5132914341820246834_n” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_image][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”6671dcc6-349c-4400-ae04-612e8c6d39b3″ global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Aligning with the country\u2019s shifting media landscape, the Journalists Association of Bhutan held workshops on how to pitch stories related to climate change in Thimphu on March 24, 2025. Credit: JAB<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ admin_label=”Row” _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” custom_padding=”4px||9px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” header_font_size=”52px” width=”97.3%” min_height=”273px” custom_margin=”1px|||||” custom_padding=”||1px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Despite the clampdowns within borders, innovative occupation of the airwaves ensures that a few critical voices are making themselves heard. Afghan journalists in exiled media outlets such as Radio Azadi<\/em>, Afghanistan International<\/em>, Etilaatroz, Zan Times<\/em>, and Hasht-e-Subh<\/em>, remain critical of the Taliban regime.<\/p>\n Bangladeshi media in exile such as the Sweden-based Netra News, and Zulkarnain Saer Khan, a London-based investigative journalist in exile, have managed to expose abuse of power, rights violations and corruptions by leaders of Hasina\u2019s party and civil and military officials associated with her government through his social media platforms.<\/p>\n In November 2024, journalist bodies in the Maldives mobilised around concerns related to media regulation, opposing the move to merge the media council and broadcasting commission through Maldives Media and Broadcasting Commission Bill or grounds that the would erode the self-regulatory aspect. The proposed legislation was dubbed the \u2018Media Control Bill\u2019 and a campaign, an exhibition of people\u2019s power, with the slogan \u2018Hatharehge Hagguugai\u2019 asserting citizen power. Political will, not laws alone can enable the media to evolve with professionalism and independence.<\/p>\n In Nepal, the merger of the state-owned Nepal Television and Radio Nepal into the National Public Service Broadcasting Agency was welcomed, since this reform has been a decades-long demand. Former FNJ president Mahendra Bista was appointed as the first chairperson of the new entity.<\/p>\n Policy changes backed by financial investment proved to be of immense support to Pakistan\u2019s media community working in some of the most challenging environments in the region. The provincial governments of Balochistan, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa put down enhanced amounts to journalists\u2019 welfare funds and to develop press clubs in the province \u2013 crucial hubs for the media community.<\/p>\n These concrete steps towards enhancing journalists\u2019 rights stand as an example of multi-stakeholder action and vigorous solidarity in the journalist community.<\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”4_4″ _builder_version=”4.16″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.25.0″ _module_preset=”default” global_colors_info=”{}”]<\/p>\n Click here to download pdf of Overview and Special Reports<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n [\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ admin_label=”Feature Section” _builder_version=”4.16″ background_color=”#e5e5e5″ module_alignment=”center” min_height=”238px” height=”331px” max_height=”486px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|-3px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” top_divider_style=”arrow2″ top_divider_color=”#FFFFFF” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_row column_structure=”1_3,1_3,1_3″ admin_label=”Stats” _builder_version=”4.16″ width=”77.3%” custom_padding=”115px||||false|false” global_colors_info=”{}”][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Media Rights Violations” number=”250″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#999999″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” hover_enabled=”0″ global_colors_info=”{}” sticky_enabled=”0″][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Jailed or Detained” number=”69″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#E09900″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_3″ admin_label=”Column” _builder_version=”4.16″ custom_padding=”|||” global_colors_info=”{}” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_number_counter title=”Killings” number=”20″ percent_sign=”off” _builder_version=”4.25.0″ title_font=”Oswald|300|||||||” title_line_height=”1.2em” number_font=”Oswald|700|||||||” number_text_color=”#FF0000″ number_font_size=”84px” width=”67.9%” custom_margin=”||-3px|||” global_colors_info=”{}”][\/et_pb_number_counter][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" MEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNMEDIA AMID POLITICAL CHURNOverviewA Turbulent Year South Asia witnessed tremendous change over the past year \u2013 via transformation effected through electoral ballots, as well as feet on the ground. Student movements and everyday citizens […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"\r\n As the second wave of the Covid pandemic surged across South Asia in early 2021, journalists found themselves in the thick of the storm, without a safety net and scant institutional support. Battling not only the deadly virus, they mounted stiff resistance to states trying to control the narrative and plaster over the horrific reality. Journalists breaking stories of rising deaths, collapsing health systems and unpreparedness and mismanagement at the highest levels of government were silenced, hounded, arrested and penalised.<\/p>\r\n Even as journalists also mourned the loss of their colleagues and family members, they continued to work in the most challenging circumstances to publicise the truth. They reported from the frontlines without adequate protective equipment, exposing themselves to infection to tell stories of the suffering in hospitals, in graveyards and crematoria. Many fell ill, many others continue to suffer from the long-term impacts of the Covid syndrome. Hundreds of others succumbed, unsung heroic storytellers of the apocalypse that engulfed them.<\/p>\r\n To many others continued to tell one of the biggest stories of our times, while also enduring salary cuts and delays in wage payments, denial of protective personal equipment, medical insurance or reimbursement of massive medical bills to treat Covid contracted in the line of duty. Huge numbers of media workers were also rendered jobless or forced to resign in the wake of economic impacts of Covid-19. reeling under arrests and cases of sedition and terror, unrelenting trolling and abuse online, they wrote on. Some wrote on, even without a job or payment.<\/p>\r\n Charges of \u201canti-national\u201d, \u201cagainst national security\u201d were widely used to curb dissent through archaic laws of sedition and colonial era laws of epidemic control. With courts admitting petitions challenging the constitutionality of some of these laws, there is reason to hope for change.<\/p>\r\n The raging pandemic, accompanying lockdowns and economic crises were only piled on to existing barriers that the region\u2019s journalists already faced. Physical attacks and intimidation, lack of access to information, control and censorship; sharpened ethnic and religious cleavages; legal repercussions for their stories and an overall precarity of the media. Impunity for crimes against journalists continued, despite small gains. Yet, journalists bore witness and told the stories that needed to be told, with professional integrity, compassion and deep humanity.<\/p>\r\n Controlling the flow of information seemed to be an overriding preoccupation of governments across the region. From reigning in the burgeoning independent digital media and clamping down on critical voices on social media, governments and social media platforms fell short of upholding freedom of expression at a critical juncture.<\/p>\r\n At a time when the free flow of information was literally a matter of life and death, governments intolerant of critical questions, tended to use the pandemic as a pretext to curb information, and any opinion that was deemed \u201canti-government\u201d. Social media presented a particular anxiety for governments trying to curb dissent, and unfortunately, social media giants did not adequately protect citizen\u2019s right to free speech, instead complying with unreasonable takedown notices from governments.<\/p>\r\n Pakistan<\/strong> suffered under the harshest clampdown on dissent by any government. Media rights and freedom of expression took a severe beating, with the government seemingly leaping at the opportunity to deprive the media of both freedom and funds, driving an already beleaguered media industry into deeper crisis.\u00a0 The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) which criminalises free speech and gives overarching powers to law enforcement authorities, was overused in Pakistan to clamp down on free speech. The media, political opponents, activists and members of the public found the boundaries of free speech indiscriminately scrunched in violation of constitutional guarantees.<\/p>\r\n Arbitrary blocking of independent websites, internet and communication shutdowns were regularly deployed to censor the media. This inevitably led to the proliferation of misinformation \u2013 which Pakistan could ill-afford in the midst of not only the pandemic, but civil strife and political upheaval.\u00a0 Cutting off connectivity in politically sensitive areas in an attempt to censor news had other adverse effects during the lockdown, mainly on health and education.<\/p>\r\n In Bangladesh<\/strong>, it took the tragic custodial death in February 2021, of writer Mushtaq Ahmed incarcerated for ten months and repeatedly denied bail, to once more shine the spotlight on the draconian Digital Security Act (DSA) which has been widely used against journalists, bloggers and citizens to penalise free speech and critical opinion. The lone Cyber Crimes Tribunal, reeling under a staggering pending case load can barely manage due process in hearing cases, leave aside render justice.<\/p>\r\n In India<\/strong>, besides the time-honoured tactic of internet shutdowns to cut communications, the newly promulgated Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 gave the government the power to censor, order takedowns and block content without any recourse to appeal. Independent digital platforms termed the rules not just unconstitutional, but a blow to democracy itself, and have challenged this attempt at over-regulation in the highest court in the country. In addition to its attempt to control independent digital media, fast emerging as major players in the media landscape, the Indian government came down strongly on social media expression deemed to be critical of the government\u2019s handling of the pandemic. In the same vein, the new media Policy in Jammu and Kashmir (downgraded from state to centrally administered union territory in April 2019), issued in June 2020, was immediately viewed with disquiet by journalists, given that it empowers government officers to take action on \u201cfake news\u201d or \u201canti-national content\u201d.<\/p>\r\n Allegations of misinformation and rumour mongering were thrown at journalists and even citizens exposing the horrific ground reality of acute shortage of medical supplies, oxygen, overflowing hospitals and crematoria. Significantly, while content critical of the government was taken down, virulent hate speech against minorities and misogynist speech online thrived in India. Social media platforms Twitter and Facebook too succumbed to takedown requests by the government, failing to stand up for free speech.<\/p>\r\n Across the region, governments displayed a remarkable disrespect towards the media, and took steps to increase regulation. In Nepal<\/strong>, the government moved ahead with tougher bills and regulations such as the Media Council Bill, the Public Service Broadcasting Bill, the Information Technology Bill, and the Special Service Bill \u2013 all of which have clauses that could undermine press freedom. The clampdown on social media has been proposed on pretexts of the \u201ccountry\u2019s sovereignty, security, unity or harmony\u201d. The Media Council Bill could erode the autonomy of the media, with government-appointed regulators, a provision that has been vehemently opposed by media rights organisations.<\/p>\r\n The international norm of self-regulation by media was also violated in Sri Lanka<\/strong>, where in January 2021, the Cabinet of Ministers proposed to amend the Press Council Law to include electronic and new media and approved a proposal to \u2018structurally reform and reorganise\u2019 the Press Council to cover electronic and new media. The move was criticised by the Professional Web Journalists' Association which argued that the electronic and new media should be not controlled, but self-regulated with a stringent code of ethics developed by the media community itself.<\/p>\r\n The pandemic year was also witness to dramatic loss of jobs in the media, across the region. Over 8,000 of Pakistan\u2019s<\/strong> estimated 20,000 journalists <\/span>lost their jobs in 2020<\/a> alone, and rural and district staff were more likely to be retrenched.<\/span><\/p>\r\n Journalists, mainly through the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), remained up in arms for most of the year and in early 2021 launched an \u201cenough is enough\u201d campaign across the country to protest job losses, pay cuts, censorship and rising intimidation. The media industry found new external supporters, including the legal community and civil society in institutional and organised partnerships with PFUJ to jointly resist the rising attacks on media freedoms, journalists\u2019 rights and public interest journalism in Pakistan.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\r\n In India<\/strong>, which saw a series of retrenchments from March 2020 onwards, there are no clear numbers of the job losses or salary cuts. <\/span>Estimates<\/a> put the figures in the thousands. Besides layoffs, salary cuts and delays in payments, media houses also threatened to sack staff if they wanted to work from home. The obstinacy of many managements led to staff in some media houses getting infected with the coronavirus en masse. Journalists from the regional press were harder hit, with fewer paying options than their English media counterparts. <\/span><\/p>\r\n \u00a0<\/span>The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) took up more than 500 complaints relating to job loss and non-payment of salary in Nepal<\/strong>. A survey conducted by the <\/span>FNJ in September 2020, revealed the desperate state of Nepal\u2019s journalists: the earning of 40 percent of journalists was affected by the pandemic and the nationwide lockdowns and women journalists were more severely impacted. Several media houses in Kathmandu suspended publications, cut down broadcast hours and decreased the size of the newspapers. The revenue of 75 percent of the once vibrant radio sector decreased due to the pandemic.<\/p>\r\n The story was no different in Bangladesh<\/strong> where an estimated 1,250 journalists lost their jobs and several thousand faced salary cuts or irregular payments. While media owners blamed the pandemic for the drop in revenue and resultant salary cuts, trade unionists say that irregular payments were a norm of a section of media houses which then grasped at the pandemic as a justification to deny journalists their rights.<\/p>\r\n The pandemic crisis however, only added to existing pressures that journalists across the region face. A major threat being the increasing polarisation on communal lines.<\/span><\/p>\r\n South Asia has ravaged by religious, ethnic and caste divides for decades, but the growing cleavages of the last few years have been unprecedented. With hyper-nationalist parties in power in many countries in the region drawing votes and support from religiously aligned groups, the polity too has been sharply divided. Minorities in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have been particularly vulnerable, in this context of majoritarian politics. These divisions have inevitably affected the media. While some sections have added to the problem by exacerbating divisions and amplifying hate, others have had to struggle to remain independent.<\/p>\r\n Existing fault lines were exacerbated by external situations that are likely to impact the whole region. The proposed withdrawal of US-NATO troops from Afghanistan by the coming September is feared to increase the Taliban's influence in Afghanistan<\/strong>, a development that could have a ripple effect in the region in terms of encouraging radicalism. Hard worn democratic and secular gains could be pushed back, with a direct impact on the media and individual journalists. Likewise, growing communalism in India<\/strong>, encouraged by the government in power, has a dangerous spill over effect in the neighbourhood, contributing to more polarisation and the strengthening of extremist groups. The media cannot be immune from attack, even as it attempts to uphold constitutional values, and the rights of women, minorities and the marginalised.<\/p>\r\n Religion in the Maldives<\/strong> is a no-go topic in public discourse, and the fear of being labelled anti-Islam contributes to the journalists practicing self-censorship of forgoing bylines while reporting on extremism in the country. As part of official control, the Communications Authority of Maldives blocks websites with anti-Islamic content upon request by ministries and other agencies. Though social media use is growing, intimidation and deaths threats pose the greatest challenge for free expression online. The yet unsolved murders of journalist Ahmed Rilwan and blogger Yameen Rashid known for their vocal criticism of religious fundamentalism are grim reminders of the risks of speaking out for religious freedom or minority rights. In its World Report 2021, Human Rights Watch accused the government of failing to confront the influence of hard-line Islamist groups. \u201cOnline intimidation of human rights groups continued to have a chilling effect on civil society in 2020,\u201d and reiterated calls to tackle hate speech and violence online.<\/p>\r\n The state response to tackling religious extremism however, often has serious implications for freedom of expression and civil rights. In Sri<\/strong> Lanka<\/strong>, the Prevention of Terrorism (De-radicalisation from Holding Violent Extremist Religious Ideology) Regulations were issued in march 2021, expanding on the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). Powers given to authorities to detain and \u2018rehabilitate\u2019 anyone who \u2018by words either spoken or intended to be read or by signs or by visible representations\u2019 causes the commission of violence or \u2018religious, racial or communal disharmony or feelings of ill will or hostility between different communities or racial or religious groups\u2019 is prone to misuse, fear activists. The spate of arrests in cases of hate speech, mostly of Tamil and Muslim minorities further reinforces this apprehension of selective use of power by law enforcement agencies.<\/p>\r\n The rampant vitriol and violence online were particularly targeted at women journalists in the region. Pakistani<\/strong> women journalists had a rough year, facing unrelenting abuse by organised troll armies, many backed by members of the ruling party, prompting them to release a petition taking the government to account. Similar was the case across the border in India<\/strong>, where online abuse took a heavy toll in an already stressful year of the pandemic. Sexist abuse, misogyny and spillover of online to offline stalking and violence became the price that women journalists paid for speaking out.<\/span><\/p>\r\n The marginalised existence of women journalists in South Asia\u2019s media community is itself one of the factors contributing to precarity. A report released in early 2020 by the South Asia Women\u2019s Network, showed that women accounted for only 29 per cent of staff in Maldives<\/strong> media organisations. Only five per cent leadership roles were occupied by women. Paradoxically, the enrolment of women in journalism courses in the Maldives was higher than men at 3:1. This data begs the question: where do these professional women vanish? The answer probably lies in another finding of the study: women face immense discrimination, harassment and bullying at the workplace.<\/p>\r\n Nepali<\/strong> women journalists too faced character assassination, body shaming, speculation about sexual links with prominent men, with women journalists from marginalised communities such as Madhesi and Dalit are more intensive attack. Women journalists fought back, and refused to be silenced, speedily blocking abusers, reporting them and also using aliases to move forward and express themselves online.<\/p>\r\n Almost all countries in South Asia sought to tighten controls over access to information, denying journalists a basic tool for accurate reporting. In Afghanistan<\/strong>, despite an Access to Information Law passed in 2014 and amended in 2018, there are barriers to information access. The setting up of an independent Information Access Commission with 65 government-level departments to assist in the transfer of information from government offices to the media, is potentially a step towards easing access. However, implementation remains a question, given other moves that restrict access, for example the 2020 restrictions authorising only governors to share information with the media, thus creating huge bottlenecks. Moreover, with the imminent withdrawal of the US-NATO troops in the coming year, the barriers to accessing information regarding the opaque agencies of security, justice and peace will undoubtedly impact credible reporting at this crucial juncture.<\/p>\r\n In Bhutan<\/strong>, access to information is still wrapped up in red-tape and complicated bureaucratic procedure in a hierarchical set up, necessitating permissions to record videos or take a photo. Besides media persons, researchers and scholars in Bhutan are also coming up against the same obstacles. Free speech and expression as well as pursuit of research are thus impeded by official barriers.<\/p>\r\n Despite the passage of the Right to Information Act in the Maldives<\/strong> six years ago, a culture of secrecy persists and journalists are hard put to access information from certain state agencies. A survey by the Human Rights Commission of Maldives released in December 2020 showed that a majority of people were dissatisfied with access to official information and only 36 percent found the right to information law to have been helpful.<\/p>\r\n In India<\/strong>, the repercussions of the 2019 amendments to the once robust Right to Information Act could be seen during the pandemic when access to information was vital \u2013 access to data on funds, vaccine roll out and health infrastructure was repeatedly blocked by official agencies and the Central Information Commission did little to enable the flow of critical information.<\/p>\r\n Likewise, Sri Lanka<\/strong> too witnessed the dilution of its Right to Information Commission, which could affect its independent functioning.<\/p>\r\n \u00a0<\/em><\/strong>Despite the relentless battles on several fronts, while struggling to stay afloat, South Asian journalists valiantly put up a resistance to the onslaught on media rights in all countries of the region. Challenges in court, mobilising and collective action despite the restrictions in mobility and the overwhelming public health crisis, were evidence of a spirited defiance.<\/p>\r\n The attempt to control the digital space by governments in several countries in the region was met with a heartening push back. In Pakistan,<\/strong> independent online journalism platforms together formed the Digital Media Alliance of Pakistan (DigiMAP<\/a>) to challenge and resist the state\u2019s increasing authoritarianism on national dialogues initiated by grassroots communities. DigiMAP represents the emerging bold new ecosystem of independent media start-ups that have taken it upon themselves to champion the cause of public interest journalism that the legacy media has been forced to surrender before an increasingly hostile state. DigiMAP also put out a strong statement<\/a> against the new digital regulations.<\/p>\r\n Despite the burgeoning digital media in India<\/strong> and its vital role in promoting independent journalism, there was until now no single body representing the digital news media. Eleven digital media organisations came together in October 2020 to launch the DIGIPUB News India Foundation \u201cto represent, amplify and evolve best practices to build a robust digital news ecology that is truly world-class, independent and upholds the highest standards of journalism,\u201d One of its first actions was to challenge the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 in court, as an infringement of freedom of expression.<\/p>\r\nThe most dramatic political landscape transformation was the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh, when an immense student-led uprising brought to an end her increasingly iron fisted rule.\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n
Unfree digiverse <\/strong><\/h3>\n
Online editions of mainstream media, as well as individual journalists, bloggers, podcasters and YouTubers have now claimed and marked out a critical space online. <\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n
Is AI the future?<\/strong><\/h3>\n
A deathly toll<\/strong><\/h3>\n
There is no doubt that India saw a spike in demand for services from AI content agencies, with political parties estimated to have spent over USD 50 million on AI-generated campaign material in 2024.<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n
Righting wrongs<\/strong><\/h3>\n
Attacking the messenger<\/strong><\/h3>\n
According to estimates by the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ), almost 300 journalists and media workers were injured in 2024, many of them shot, amid the country\u2019s rising wave of protests<\/span><\/h2>\n
Narrative control<\/strong><\/h3>\n
Information is power <\/strong><\/h3>\n
A growing list of Taliban \u2018directives\u2019, with seven more issued in the past year, now strongly dictate and control the content and format of Afghanistan\u2019s newscasts.<\/span><\/h2>\n
Media Closures<\/strong><\/h3>\n
Decent work challenged<\/strong><\/h3>\n
A submission to the Islamabad High Court in September 2024 by the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA), revealed that over 250,000 Pakistani digital media workers lacked legal protections concerning fair pay and safe working conditions.<\/span><\/h2>\n
Legalised harassment<\/strong><\/h3>\n
Towards equity<\/strong><\/h3>\n
Women still occupy less than a quarter of decision-making positions in India\u2019s media and the underrepresentation of women in union leadership positions is an ongoing and pressing concern.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n
Who owns the media?<\/strong><\/h3>\n
In Bhutan, a proposal is on the anvil to put down a clear and fair advertisement policy based on market principles and explore strategies for supporting independent journalism, as well as digital media.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n
Standing together<\/strong><\/h3>\n
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The Viral Frontline<\/span><\/h1>[\/et_pb_slide][\/et_pb_fullwidth_slider][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section fb_built=\"1\" admin_label=\"Section\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" min_height=\"1286.7px\" custom_margin=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\"][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" min_height=\"131px\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"57px|||||\" border_style_all=\"none\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" min_height=\"65px\" border_width_bottom=\"5px\" border_style_bottom=\"solid\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]
Overview<\/strong><\/h2>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=\"1_4\" admin_label=\"quote\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" background_color=\"#FFFFFF\" custom_padding=\"0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false\" animation_style=\"fade\"][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=\"3_4,1_4\" admin_label=\"text\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_margin=\"|auto|1px|auto|false|false\" custom_padding=\"3px|||||\"][et_pb_column type=\"3_4\" admin_label=\"Column\" _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" custom_padding=\"|||\" custom_padding__hover=\"|||\"][et_pb_text _builder_version=\"4.9.4\" _module_preset=\"default\" header_font_size=\"52px\" width=\"97.3%\" min_height=\"1217px\" global_colors_info=\"{}\"]
<\/h1>\r\n
Pandemic, the Press and the New Digital Order<\/h3>\r\n
Regional trends<\/h3>\r\n
Tightening regulation and digital controls<\/h4>\r\n
Livelihood in peril<\/h4>\r\n
Rising Extremism<\/h4>\r\n
Women journalists in the firing line<\/h4>\r\n
Patchy access to information<\/h4>\r\n
Welcome pushback<\/h4>\r\n
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<\/p>\r\n